Saturday, February 23, 2008

Nandigram, Taslima Nasreen and identity politics

The grim communalization of events at Calcutta has deflected and disoriented the issue of dispossession of peasants in proposed sezs the present neoliberal offensive and the process of recolonisation both the organized left and right are increasingly becoming susceptible to fringe and lunatic communal out fits of all denominations this should be seen in the context of the ghastly carnage of Gujarat in the year 2002 the ram Janmbhumi and ram setu controversy where the entire country is held hostage to the diabolical designs of the Hindu fasict forces led by the sangh parivar while the trauma of communal violence can be traced back to the partition with a long string of communal violence from Jabbalpur,Tatanagar,Bhagalpur, Varanasi, Meerut Bombay and so on the politics of fascist rabid hindutva politics is obvious this however doesn't exonerate the soft hindutva politics of congress giving issues to the sangh parivar on a platter. The nandigram issue was about the dispossession of peasants and in the subsequent events the human rights violation the burning of houses sexual assaults on women and so on and these were very serious issues and demanded serious attention,the all India minority forum by demanding the expulsion of Taslima from Calcutta has put the issue of neoliberal depredations and resulting dispossession of peasantry on the back burner severely deflecting the bread and butter issues of the toiling workers and peasants by communalizing the issue and seriously curtailing the burning issue of gender justice and right to expression in South Asia.

Without falling in to the trap of Islamophobia and the discourse of so called one sided war on terror by US imperialism and it's NATO allies. One should seriously look at the issue of gender oppression in minority communities and rights to expression etc in South Asia. This should be looked in the context of the incompleteness of democratic tasks and incomplete and fractured modernity in third world societies where the ruling elites have seriously compromised with medieval, obscurantist, parochial, Brahminical, and revivalist feudal forces on the other hand opening of the countries for imperialist loot.

It is really unfortunate that comrade Biman Bose asking Taslima Nasreen to leave Calcutta though he reformulated his statement a day later. This is like playing in to the hand of revivalist, obscurantists , muslim fundamentalist forces .the case of Taslima Nasreen is not only the issue of right to expression but the entire gamut gender justice in south asia. Taslima Nasreen has been articulating the issue of medival oppression and centuries of suffering of Muslim women in Bangladesh & south asia and she has been hounded out of her own country. It is incumbent on the progressive democratic forces and especially the women's movement in this country to stand by her and demand that the government of India provides her residence and protection. The entire Taslima episode has to seen in the light of Muslim women in the country loosing their grounds vis-à-vis the long pending gender justice and equal rights. Both the congress and the BJP have played a dirty game to deny democratic rights to Muslim women communalising the issue and indulging in to the vote bank politics. Rajiv Gandhi seriously curtailed the rights of the Muslim women in the wake of the Shah bano judgment of supreme court by passing the Muslim women's bill playing in to the hands of Muslim fundamentalist thus rolling back the issue of gender justice in Muslim societies by decades. It has become a tough battle now.

The BJP in equally opportunist communal stance has tried always to fish in the troubled waters by demanding uniform civil code and now demanding citizenship rights for Taslima Nasreen on the other hand it shamelessly demand the expulsion of poor Bangladeshi workers and terrorizing the entire Muslim community in the country in to the second class citizenship and keeping them in the state of perpetual fear and insecurity. It is needless to repeat the horrifying tales of rape and murder in the communal riots the hands of sangh parivar is dripping with blood of innocent Muslim man. Women and children. The gruesome blood bath in Gujarat 2002 is the blackest spot in post independent India which has forced us to hang out heads in shame. As a whole muslims are oppressed as a community we should fight for their rights but we should also protest against the oppression of muslim women within the community and win over the broad muslim masses from the influence of the oppressive retrograde clergy.

It is high time the progressive ,democratic and the women's movement in India to look at the Taslima Nasreen incident and the issue of gender justice of muslim women in right earnest. In this context one should properly look at the issue of minority and majority communalism in proper perspective. Both minority communalism and majority communalism are two sides of the same coin. they seek to role back all the achievements of democratic movement and represent absolutely oppressive medieval , revivalist ,obscurantist , parochial forces wanting to recreate medieval barbarism and slavery. Both Hindu and Muslim talibanism are extremely anti women and anti democratic.

In the light of the above we should look at identity politics in proper perspective, their are identities and identities: caste, gender, religious, national, racial , sexual orientation and so on. Some are oppressed, some are oppressors. There is democratic content in the liberation struggles of the oppressed identities like women, dalits , gays and lesbians , ethnic religious and linguistic and national minorities and they should be firmly supported by the progressive and democratic movement while opposing the fascist identity politics of hindutva represented by the sangh parivar , nazism, Zionism, white racism homophobia and so on.

Therefore we appeal to all the progressive, democratic and women's organizations to stand by Taslima Nasreen and the struggle for equal rights of muslim women in south asia and give a decisive rebuff to obscurantist, revivalist , Brahmin cal , communal, medieval feudal forces . We request you to write to the prime minister, home minister, minister of external affairs to give Taslima Indian citizenship.The west Bengal chief minister to welcome back Taslima in Calcutta and give her full protection. If possible please organise protest programmes in her support and fwd this appeal to your friends & activist groups.

a debate on social democracy and socialist democracy and marxism

Dear friends and comrades,

More than a decade and a half ago the right wing American Ideologue Francis Fukyama had proclaimed 'end of history', that is the final destination of mankind is the American model of liberal democracy. In Marxist connotations this means liberal capitalism, the real fact is imperialism being intact. Fukuyama had not only pronounced the death of history and Marxism but had clearly said there is no alternative to the present capitalist order led by US imperialism. But we Marxists were not fooled by Fukyama, because we have a theory of history and hence we know socialism will be the antithesis to capitalism hence the concrete alternative. Mr Suraj Prasad had proposed Scandinavia as the model and social democracy as the alternative. I had expressed disagreements. I think social democracy is liberal capitalism, whose highest manifestation was Scandinavian countries. This was given up when global capitalism embraced neo-liberalism. Scandinavia is a false model that is nothing but liberal capitalism hence keeping the structural relations of imperialism intact while the 3rd world continues to bleed. Hence Mr Suraj Prasad's proposition is a defence of liberal capitalism keeping the structural relations of exploitation intact which needs the structural relations of imperialism to stay intact. Mr Suraj Prasad has cast aspersions on Marxist politics which I think is ill informed, infantile, cheeky and audacious hence atrocious. Qualitatively it is nothing defferent from the cheap malafide malicious anti-left propaganda of the CIA. I had earlier sent you a draft of my debate (see below). Seeing the importance of the subject I am sending it again for wider debate. Please do send your comments and rejoinders.

With revolutionary greetings,

Asit.



1) Though sounds good equality of all is not natural only equality of opportunities is correct and then each human will evolve naturally according to his/her ability.
2) It is against basic human nature which works only when there is personal incentives! That is why it failed the world over and there is no reason to repeat the same mistake in India. Besides, Communism is wholly totalitarian and fascist and democratic socialism proposed by Rosa Luxembourg or non-bureaucratic communism purposed by Leon Trotsky are same economically!
3) Non-bureaucratic communism purposed by Leon Trotsky in the form of collectives in farms and trade unions managing factories has failed in USSR and pre-world war Italy respectively. Labourers have failed to be good managers.
4) Stalinist communism is bureaucratic and forms a neo-elite social class who sucks the proleteraiats. Also human want freedom and do not want to live in cage even if made of gold.
5) Lastly, excessive importance is given to labour against capital in Marxism which is incorrect since both labour and capital are required for production. In Marxist State after a certain limit the State fails to provide capital and hence die a natural death like in USSR and other erstwhile communist/socialist countries of the world.

Since, free enterprise liberal policy is here to stay. Only way to moderate the bad effects are social democracy and green policies practised in Germany!

Perhaps the only way for emancipating the masses is in creation of a 'Social Democratic' - Welfare state with positive checks by society/govt on free market!

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_democracy

Along with Social democracy the issues of Green Politics of Europe like Social and Economic Justice, Ecological Sustainability, Respect for Diversity and Grassroots Democracy (Compulsory Panchayati Raj in India) should also be incorporated in a welfare state.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Green_politics






asitmarx sdfdsdf marx <asitmarx@rediffmail.com > wrote:

My Dear Surajcap,

The entire tone of the discourse is qualitatively not different from the right wing unscientific, a-historical, banal, counter-revolutionary, cheap anticommunist propaganda trash of CIA and the BJP which had reached its cheapest dissent during the cold war era. In fact the answer to my critique of social democracy was stupid and juvenile compared to the imperialist masters and their bootlicking 3rd world right wing intelligentsia.
My problem is that I have to deal with this mail for which I have to start from scratch the painful descent to kindergarten political discourse. Anyhow, to help some people in their pre-puberty political growth I am willing to undertake this pain. I don't want to get into a debate about literate and illiterate political theorists; if we keep aside the right wing CIA/BJP type of anti left political project, how many of us really know about the real politics of the Marxist project? In an age where inequality, destitution, allsorts of cultural degeneration including brutal structural violence against women, Dalits, coloured people, indigenous people, ethnic and religious minorities had reached its zenith. What is the systemic/structural logic of this process? Whether one likes it or not, capitalism is the fundamental social reality today. In political terms Marxist politics deals with fundamental contradictions under capitalism, of which the principle contradiction is between capital and labour. And resolution of that contradiction will lead to the transcendence of capitalism, and that is the most concrete alternative to the present scheme of things. The giant C20th radical political theorist Ralph Milliband, in his ageless classic "Marxism and Politics" had interpreted the central terrain of Marxist politics; that is 'now hidden, now open, relentless class struggles'. According to Ralph Milliband:

'At the core of Marxist politics, there is the notion of conflict. But this is not what makes it specific and distinct: all concepts of politics, of whatever kind, are about conflict- how to contain it, or abolish it. What is specific about Marxist politics is what it declares the nature of the conflict to be; and what it proclaims to be its necessary outcome.
In the liberal view of politics, conflict exists in terms of 'problems' that need to be 'solved'. The hidden assumption is that conflict does not, or need not, run very deep; that it can be 'managed' by the exercise of reason and goodwill and a readiness to compromise and agree. On this view, politics is not a civil war conducted by other means but a constant process of bargaining and accommodation, on the basis of accepted procedures, and between parties who have decided as a preliminary that they could, and wanted to live together more or less harmoniously. Not only is this sort of conflict not injurious to society: it has positive advantages. It is not only civilized, but also civilizing. It is not only a mans of solving problems in a peaceful way, but also of producing new ideas, ensuring progress, achieving ever-greater harmony, and so on. Conflict is 'functional', a stabilizing rather than disruptive force.
The Marxist approach to conflict is very different. It is not a matter of 'problems' to be 'solved' but of a state of domination and subjection to be ended by a total transformation of the conditions that give rise to it. No doubt conflict may be attenuated, but only because the ruling class is able by one means or another- coercion, concessions, or persuasion- to prevent the subordinate classes from seeking emancipation. Ultimately, stability is not a matter of reason but of force. The antagonists are irreconcilable. And the notion of genuine harmony is a deception or a delusion, at least in relation to class societies.'

(see page no 18-19 ch.2 'Class and Class Conflict', in Marxism and Politics, Ralph Milliband, Merlin Press, London. Now reprinted in India by Aakar books, New Delhi.)

How much serious study have you done of the Marxist project, before passing such irresponsible claptrap and such arrogant/ignorant sweeping judgements against Marxism? Can you define Marxism? Forget that end of history collapse of Soviet Union, post-communism propaganda crap. Marxism has nothing to do with that basically. The relevance of Marxism will be there as long as capitalism exists, and socialism will be the most plausible antithesis to capitalism. Marxism cannot be contested because of what happened in the socialist countries, especially the soviet union. We all know that there were serious problems, but Marxism is something else. It is the science of analyzing capitalism and gives us political tools to transcend capitalism which is known as 'revolution' in the language of radical politics. As the great American Marxist theorist Fredrick Jameson explains in his exulted work 'Five theses on Actually Existing Marxism':

'Marxism is the science of understanding capitalism, or to give more depth to the term, it is the science of understanding the contradictions of capitalism. Therefore, it is incoherent to celebrate the death of Marxism.'

(see the first thesis in 'Five Thesis on Actually existing Marxism' by Fredrick Jameson in Marxism and the postmodern Agenda edited by John Bellamy Foster and Ellen Meiksinswood, monthly review books, New York. Now reprinted in India by Aakar books New Delhi.)

The renowned Marxist scholar Ellen Meiksinswood in her monumental book, says about Marxist politics,

'The original intention of historical materialism was to provide a theoretical foundation for interpreting the world in order to change it. This was not an empty slogan. It had a very precise meaning. It meant that Marxism sought a particular kind of historical movement, and at least implicitly, the points at which political action could most effectively intervene. This is not to say that the object of Marxist theory was to discover a 'scientific' programme or technique of political action. Instead, the purpose was to provide a mode of analysis especially well equipped to explore the terrain on which political action must take place.'

(see chapter 1, in Democracy against Capitalism: renewing historical materialism by Ellen Meiksinswood, Cambridge University Press, London.)

Now coming back to human nature, there is nothing called absolute and trans-historical human nature. There is a distinct Marxist theory of human nature, and there are many other theories of human nature. This is not the space in which to get into a debate on human nature. The Marxist theory of human nature tells us that human nature is historical, structural reasons which include all economic, political, cultural and environmental factors, especially the social mileau shapes human nature. As Marx had said, it is not the consciousness which determines our social existence but our social existence which shapes our consciousness. Hence, a human being is an ensemble of social relationships. If you say mankind is inherently greedy and commercial, then the battle is lost. There is no chance of transcending it. Then let us all commit suicide, the project of man is over and Foulco will have the last laugh. I think there is still hope. My resource of hope comes from the objective fact that capitalism is a historically specific social form. It had a beginning, so it will have an end. This species called homosapiens came to the planet millions of years ago. The history of capitalism is hardly 500 years. Give feudalism some 1000 years, still there are millions of years left. The primitive communism was the longest stage of human history, there was no private property, no markets, and hence, no commercial mindset., money came much later. There are different forms of commerce; barter, and so on, capitalism basically means human relationships mediated by market forces. We can create a society where one human being relates to the other human being only for human reasons.

What the hell do you know about totalitarianism? Have you heard of the holocaust, General Franco, Idi Amin, Marcos Battista, Pinochet? The wars, the colonial plunder, bloodthirsty imperialism, tortures, rapes, abughraibs, the sexual slavery of South East Asian women of yankee armed forces during and after the second world war? What about Korea, Vietnam, Latin America, Palestine, Sub-Saharan Africa? Occupation and colonization of Iraq, millions of murders in Afghanistan? In Iraq, five million Iraqi children dying of starvation, the vandalisation of the Bahgdad museum? The fate of the Mexicans, the coloureds, religions and ethnic minoroities, the great leader of the free world? What about racism, violence and commodification of women? What about the blacks? Lets not forget the entire extermination of the indigenous people known as Red Indians. And now, the biggest structural violence on the 3rd world and all the working people all over the world by the policies of neoliberalism implemented by the imperialist master. You'd better start reading Lenin's 'Imperialsm: The highest stage of Capitalism'.

Now honey, don't give me that German green party bullshit. The German green party was sharing power when Yugolslavia and Afghanistahn were being ruthlessly bombed. Now the German big bourgeoisie is greedily eyeing for its share in Iraq. Germany has been an imperialist country, it had its own contradictions with American imperialism. It made the best out of the post war boom, and dear, most of the time the social democrats were ruling Germany. Social democracy was capitals weapon of bailing out the crisis ridden global capitalism after the great depression, f;lagged off by the new deal in the US. Social democracy has been managing capitalism, co-opting the working class. It is an out and out reformist ideology, blunting the evolutionary consciousness of the working class. Same is the story of Labour in the UK and the Socialists in France. It was the Keynesian age, now they are showing their real colours. Coming back to your great Social Democratic paradise of Scandinavia, which you are parading as an alternative: these countries of advanced capitalism and out and out imperialism. Their façade of neutrality is a cruel joke on the bleeding and strifed on world. After extracting super profits from the bleeding third world, they throw some crumbs to keep their population happy and co-opted, depoliticized zombies controlled by the media and the gadgets. These so called peaceful, neutral nations which include Switzerland, are extremely opportunist and their hand are also dripping with blood. How can you be neutral in a conflicted world? That is abdications of ones historical duty. Hence opportunist. The Swedish teach peace while selling Bofors guns to India. They simply don't protest the violence American imperialism has done all over the world for the past 20 years, and all their social democratic prosperity and peace comes from the exploitation where at least two thirds of humanity face hunger, starvation, malnutrition, wars, rapes, occupations, stolen childhoods, coexisting with patriarchy, fascism, caste oppression, 'ethnic cleansing' and so on. This is not to discount the rights won by the heroic struggles of the working class in advanced capitalism countries. Do you know what totalitarianism is? Capitalism is the most totalitarian system. Capital basically is a social relation, it is how a human being relates to another human being. As Ellen Meiksinswood says,

'Capitalism is constituted by class exploitation, but capitalism is more than just a system of class oppression. It is a ruthless totalizing process which shapes our lives in every conceivable aspect, and everywhere, not just in the relative opulence of the capitalist North. Among other things, and even leaving aside the direct power wielded by capitalist wealth both in the economy and the political sphere, it subjects all social life to the abstract requirements of the market, through the commodification of life in all its aspects, determining the allocation of labour, leisure, resources, patterns of production, consumption and the disposition of time. This makes a mockery of all our aspirations to autonomy, freedom of choice, and democratic self-government.'

(Ellen Meikinswood, 'Democracy Against Capitalism')

How much seriously do you know about the Marxist project? It is a project of freedom, (see Marxism and Freedom, Terry Eagleton) as Fredrick Jameson puts it, ' Socialsm is a collective vision of freedom, freedom from unavoidable needs' (see the third thesis in 'Five theses on actually existing Marxism'). Engels, speaking at the funeral of Marx had said that the greatest thing Marx taught us was that mankind first needs food, clothes, and shelter before it can pursue religion culture and art. Marxism is about the unleashing of inmherent potential in every human being and that's the essence of real freedom. Freedom just cant be an abstract concept.

Now darling, coming back to praxis, there's something called state which maintains all social political power relationships, guarantees bourgeoise property rights, the real Marxist politics smashing the bourgeoise state machine, and that battle sweetheart is a knockout battle. That's what Marx taught us years ago. Have you read anything original of Marx? How do you pass such sweeping judgements? It will be too harsh to call you a joker. Billionsa of pages have been written for and against Marxism, Titans have clashed; you stand no-where.



Long live Socialist revolution.

The Simmering Dissent in the Indian Countryside – The Story of Special Economic Zones.

The Simmering Dissent in the Indian Countryside – The Story of Special Economic Zones.

Asit

The Special Economic Zones have become serious zones of conflict in rural India. The ghastly blood-bath at Nandigram was a stark indicator of the discontent raging through the Indian countryside, there the West Bengal State Police fired on the protesting farmers, who didn't want to part with their lands, which the West Bengal Government had proposed for a Special Economic Zone to be promoted by the Salim Group of Industries of Indonesia. Apart from Nandigram, farmers have been protesting all over the country against the forcible acquisition of their land for the proposed SEZs. Some of the prominent zones of conflict vis-à-vis are Jagatsinghpur, Orissa against proposed Posco SEZ, Kakinada in Andhra Pradesh, Jhahar in Haryana against the proposed large SEZ by Reliance Industries, Karla area in Pune district in Maharashtra. Of late, there is news of farmers' protest from various SEZs from Gujarat and Tamilnadu, as well.

Under the rubric of Globalization, when the neo-liberal offensive is devastating the 'Culture and Commons' of the indigenous people of India appropriating the land of the peasants in this process, thousands of acres of land have been taken away from people, forcibly dispossessing millions of Aadiwasis and Farmers in the name of high GDP growth and attracting foreign direct investments. The whole issue of Special Economic Zones has to be seen in the context of cataclysmic changes taking place in the global scale which had devastating impact on third world societies. Much has been written on the global restructuring by Civil Society Groups and the Political Left. India shared the fate of most of the Third World societies where the national liberation movements inspired hopes for millions of peasants that they can lead a life of dignity free from the colonial yoke. The post-independent journey of India started with a vision of self reliance and egalitarianism with the state whose elected executives would play the role of prime-movers. The Nehru Era saw 'Abolition of Landlordism and Investment in Irrigation'. Land Reforms released the forces of production in the countryside and the coming in of the Green Revolution brought in relative prosperity in rural areas of Punjab, Haryana, Western U.P. and Coastal Andhra, where high input intensive agriculture was adopted. This path of "Nehruian" Model of growth had a flip side which the mainstream Media concealed until social movements like Narmada Bachao, Koel Karo , Kalinganagar, Kashipur, Kalahandi, Tehri, etc. bought the other side of post-independent rural reality and the simmering discontent. This path of heavy industrialization and emphasis on modern infra-structures created massive displacement. According to various sources, by mid-nineties, there were more than 40 million farmers and Aadiwasis who were displaced by various mega projects like dams, mines, factories and industrial township. This is a whooping and revealing figure of the number of people displaced which was more than the population of England. As mentioned earlier, social movements like Narmada and Tehri were indicators of the refusal of rural masses to part with their land and homes in the name of development. As a result of global restructuring. The Indian rulers adopted the neo-liberal ideology ushered in through the new economic policies of 1991. All the welfare provisions, concept of self-reliance, pro-farmers and labor regimes were gradually dismantled, leaving vulnerable segments of the population like women, dalits, farmers, Aadiwasis, etc. at the mercy of the market. Thus, market became the new god in the era of Globalization. The Indian rulers who had completely turned neo-liberal in the new millennium adopted the Special Economic Zone Policy when the entire country was undergoing acute agrarian crisis, the most horrifying symptom of which was the high number of incidences of farmers committing suicide by mid 2005 more than 1.5lakh ( hundred and fifty thousand ) farmers had committed suicide , this phenomenon goes on unabated till today. Agriculture is having its lowest growth rate since past five years . The Massive and forceful acquisition of land had accelerated the on going misery and marginalization of the rural population. As result farmers are up in arms. Special Economic Zones were the logical culmination of anti-people, anti-Farmers path pursued by the Indian rulers which has other hazards apart from the massive dispossession of the farmers and rural artisans. Large scale land acquisition for Mega-Industrial projects, infrastructure projects and SEZs is transforming the whole of the rural scenario in the country from bad to worse. To cover up the devastation, the State Governments are half- heartedly bringing rehabilitation and re-settlement policies. The land acquisition by the Government ostensibly in the name of Public Interest, is in fact transferring thousands of acres of fertile land to Multi-national Mega Corporations like Posco, Salim and Indian big business houses likes Tata, Jindal, Ambani and Birla. Through this process of displacement, land and livelihoods are being alienated from the farmers and other sections of the population, as mentioned earlier. Tens of millions of farmers and rural artisans have already been displaced in the name of development.

Displacement has converted farmers, Adiwasis and rural artisans into destitutes most of whom have been forced to become casual workers in urban centres without any rights. Fear of displacement from their homes, from their lands and livelihoods, from their community and thought of living the rest of their lives as destitutes has suddenly become a reality for vast masses of India. The very people, who according to the Government are supposed to be benefiting from so called Industrialization in the form of R & R benefits, jobs urban facilities, social and hospitals etc. are seen to be opposing these policies the most. The fact is that no State Government to have the intention and capacity for the rehabilitation of the displaced people. The land grabbing through displacement is not only restricted to the rural areas. In the urban areas, the slum dwellers are being forcibly evicted to make way for city, beautification and gentrification, establishment of huge malls, real estate development, widening of roads etc. often without any compensation and alternate dwelling place for slum dwellers. The slum dwellers of most of the large cities are now resorting to protest movements against their growing dispossession and marginalization. The establishment of SEZs is playing havoc with the rural population of India. Primarily India is an agricultural country and more than 70% of Indian people are dependent on agriculture and its ancillary activities. To develop India any sensible policy will have to develop agriculture sector. But for the past 60 years, The Indian ruling elite have never seriously attempted apart from the high tech Green Revolution package, no attempt was made to upgrade agricultural land both availability and quantitatively by disturbing arable waste land to the poor and creating irrigation facilities. Such measures would have increased agricultural production making farmers prosperous which would have created demand for manufactured goods and stimulated industrialization with employment opportunities, but instead today the Indian agriculture is facing its worst crisis. The development of India is impossible without the development of agriculture as in most villages of India agriculture and allied livelihoods such as fishing, animal husbandry, forestry are the only sustainable livelihoods for the majority of the people. Today the Government is unable to provide any other sustainable livelihood after taking away land and common property resources such as forests, streams, ponds, grazing lands, etc. which are the basis of agriculture and allied occupation. Implementation of pro-agri-business agricultural policies in the name of Green Revolution imposition of GM seeds, contract farming and corporate control of agricultural sector are the basic elements of the neo-liberal agriculture policies which is extremely harmful for most of the farmers and rural artisans. Farmers' suicides are serious indications of this agrarian situation. This grave crisis will also have a serious impact on food security for Indian rural population which is, anyway, under tremendous strain. Therefore, the rural population is up in arms to save their agricultural land, livelihood, common property resources like forests, sources of water etc. We have to seriously campaign and support the struggle for protection and restoration of Indian agriculture. There is a necessity for instilling confidence amongst farmers and rural artisans for alternative development models is possible different groups across India are trying to implement alternate development models on a small scale, different political forces, mass movements and civil society groups working with people have their own version of alternative development models on a small scale, different political forces, mass movements and civil society groups working with people have their own version of alternative development models. The farmers have realized that even in the prevailing situation of agrarian crisis gripping the country there is no other option but to stick to agriculture and allied occupations. Industrial development of India has to be in the interest of the masses and it can only happen on the basis of development of agriculture and the rural economy on the whole. Therefore, the demand should be the development of agriculture and rural economy in the interest of the vast masses of India.

The forcible displacement of the people from their lands and livelihoods for establishment of mega- industries and infra-structural projects and establishments of exclusive economic enclaves by multi-national corporations and Indian big business in the name of SEZs is the anti- poor, pro-national and Inter-national Big Business.

The Government of India has adopted policies which have left the urban and rural poor including the medium farmers and urban lower middle classes in a precarious situation when for even the basic necessities of life people have increasingly become dependent on the market forces, which again are controlled by the National and Inter-national big business houses viz. World Bank, IMF, WTO, etc. The industrialization policy of the Government is not aimed at supplementing the production capacity of those products which are in demand by the masses, nor it is creating any additional employment for the vast army of unemployed of the country as Mega- industries which are encouraged by the Government and are established by the Global and Indian big business are high-tech automated industries, having a very low employment prospect. On the other hand, such industries are responsible for large scale displacement and massive loss of employment. The present emphasis is on those industries which would exhaust the mineral resources of India in next 3 to 4 decades, while these semi-finalized and low value added intermediate products will be exported for manufacturing high and costly products which will be again imported to India at a huge cost. This anti-farmer-pro-big-business-industrial and mining policy is encouraging establishment of huge mineral based industries, industrial infrastructures like roads, rail, power plant, water treatment plant, townships, SEZs, smart cities, EPZs, etc. Especially the SEZs have resulted in farmers losing their land and livelihoods. Massive unemployment is being caused, natural resources are being exhausted at a rapid rate and nature is getting devastated. The implementation of SEZ plicy is leading to creation of exclusive zones where no laws of land are there to protect the rights of the labour and that of the farmers. Infact these laws are anti-people. This path of industrialization that is displacing vast masses of the farmers and rural artisans, will spell disaster for the country as a whole. Therefore, the establishment of SEZ is playing havoc with the lives of the entire rural population including the adiwasis. This path of industrialization through Foreign Direct Investment and Foreign Institutional Investment have given priority for establishing SEZs throughout India solely for the super profits of the International and National big business. For the establishment of SEZs, the various state Governments have ruthlessly used the "Colonial 1894 Land Acquisition Act", forcibly evacuating people, destroying their cultural moorings, social peace and livelihood, all in the name of growth, while on the other hand SEZs which have been described as a foreign territory in the SEZ Act of 2005 have been given the status of separate enclaves where no law of the land or Constitutional provisions will apply. The development commissioner appointed by the State Government will govern the SEZ with private security, own laws and own regimes of justice and maintenance of law and order. Neither the Civil Laws and Labor Laws nor any other laws of land will be honored in these enclaves. This status of separate foreign territories enables the corporate houses to exploit labor ruthlessly. Working conditions will be deteriorated; working hours will be arbitrarily increased to 12 to 14 hours. No work safety measures will be taken. Since the work in these zones is given to contractors, the workers will be paid low wages. No payments for weekly offs, no lease with wages, no medical leave, no Provident Fund, no ES, no recreational facilities, no gratuity, almost no social security will be provided to the workers. Accidents in the work places are bound to increase. No workmen's compensation will be paid. Women workers will be even more exploited.

The SEZs are the most advanced and deadliest weapons of the neo-liberal re-structuring apart from dispossessions of millions of farmers and artisans it devastates their cultural milieu and these enclaves here no laws of land will apply is akin to re-colonization of the Third World.

The massive outburst of anger of the people of Nandigram, the ongoing struggle against POSCO SEZ in Jagatsinghpur, Orissa , the struggle in Raigar and many other places and the country–wide resistance against forcible acquisition of land by the Government for the SEZs to be developed by Indian and International big businesses has forced the Government of India to announced the rulers under the SEZ Act 2005, according to which the private corporate sector will purchase land straight from the farmers even after this decision of the Government of India everywhere Police is intervening on behalf of the corporate sector the case in point is struggle against the Korean giant POSCO SEZ in Orissa. After the local people confronted the Posco officials, the police intervened on behalf of Posco with an intention of terrorizing the people and forcing them to surrender their land, these interventions of police force on behalf of the corporate sector against struggling farmers happens all over India, the list is endless. This exposes the dual face of the Central and State Government, who go out of their way to acquire land for the corporate sector while mouthing pro-people platitude in public platforms and legislatures.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

In the light of the above importance of the peasant resistance to the Special Economic Zones, a study was undertaken to understand the concrete reasons of farmers' opposition to the SEZs. The Maha-mumbai SEZ promoted by Reliance Industries in Raigad District in Maharashtra and the Mahindra and Mahidra SEZ promoted by Mahindra Group at Karla in Pune District of Maharashtra were selected for the study.

The field work was done between 20th, July, 2007 and 5th, September, 2007. The methodology adopted was 'Qualitative" interviews of respondents from different castes, occupations and gender in the Panvel, Pan and Uran Tehsils of Raigad Diatricts and of 6 villages in Karla area of Maval Tehsil of Pune district.

Concept note Adivasi Question Action 2007

Towards (Trans)Locating The Adivasis In The Information Superhighway, Globalised World Of Post(modern)Industrial Hyper(Real) JunkSpaces(Malls)

If we look at the media headlines today, the following spectacles and phenomena dominate the information barrage:


- Bullish stock exchanges

- Crowded McDonalds and swarming beach resorts

- Swinging discotheques

- The sparkling Queen's necklace (Marine Drive)

- Malls, multiplexes, software parks, 'smart cities', swanky emporias, towers with all their glass and glitter.

Against this backdrop we have the sweeping gentrification of slums, burgeoning suburbia with their pools, golf courses, custom built vehicles, luxury condominiums and so on. The banner headlines bombard us with the news of India's arrival as an economic superpower with a phenomenal 8-9% growth of the GDP.

Before we point out the impact of this much-flaunted economic achievement on vulnerable segments like women, Dalits, ethnic and religious minorities, Adivasis, peasants and workers etc, we would like to deconstruct the myth of 8% growth and the stock exchange boom. This economic turning point is a bloody pointer of early 21st century imperialism -with a century-long bloodthirsty trajectory of eliminating the peasantry from the face of the earth, extermination of the indigenous people from most parts of the globe- is the long tiring story of capital's insatiable hunger for profit. This 8% growth has been achieved after the ruling classes of India and their political parties ruthlessly administered the shock therapy known as structural adjustments- liberalisation packaged in the neoliberal paradigm, whose master narrative is known as 'Globalisation'.

Globalisation -which was capital's response to it's own contradictions and cyclical structural crises after the end of the post-war boom, after the "Petroleum crisis", global economic recession, the Vietnam war and so on, the world economic relations were restructured according to the neoliberal ideology. Dollar was de-linked from the gold, and then "social democracy", "Keynesian demand management" and the chimera of the "welfare state", "import substitution" were given up. Washington consensus was adopted to bail out global capitalism in the late 70s and early 80s. The comprador rulers of the third world gave up their shallow rhetoric of socialism, self-reliance, and the whole discourse of decolonisation was reduced to the desensitized moribund terrain of history textbooks and development studies.

In the 80s, as a direct fallout of the debt crisis, structural adjustment policies of globalisation were ruthlessly imposed by the Brettonwoods institutions, at the behest of the imperialist masters- especially American imperialism on Latin America (which it considered its own fiefdom). These policies devastated and pauperised the entire working masses and indigenous people of Latin America -while the local elites and the multinational corporations made money there was 'boom'. A radical economist of Latin America had then remarked "The economy is doing fine, but the people are not." Then there was the crash, now the word globalisation invites a hostile reaction from the common people of Latin America, and this situation led to the formation of popularly elected left-wing governments. China and India are having the present economic boom because capital has found new virgin areas to exploit. Most of the Sensex leaps are results of foreign institutional investment of speculative finance capital coming in to make a fast buck, and will withdraw at the first signs of the crisis. Then the entire edifice of aspiring Asian economic super-powers will collapse like a house of cards. One should not forget the meltdown of the economy of the so-called 'Tigers of South-east Asia'. On one side the depoliticized academia, and the culture-vultures who romanticize tribal culture and their way of life, the governments objectify and museumize them, and the government of India showcases tribal culture in state-sponsored official APNAUTSAVS in London and Paris, while on the other hand. Shocking news of starvation deaths of Adivasis pours in from different parts of the country every day.

Adivasis -native people, indigenous people- were condescendingly called 'Tribals' by the colonial masters, while the anthropologists made lucrative academic careers by objectifying them through their studies, as if they are a different species to be showcased in the museums. There was decimation in the name of the white man's burden, arrogantly portrayed as the civilizing mission of the imperialist west. Human beings without private property or power hierarchies had existed for millennia, time immemorial. We started our journey from the caves, hunting, gathering, and struggling to save ourselves from the forces of nature. We were originally a part of the nature, coexisting with it in a mutually liberating symphony- without polluting and devastating the environment like the present day multi-national corporations, in their relentless drive for profit maximization and commodification.

After learning agriculture, class societies emerged with enslavement of women, and feudalism became the dominant social structure based on exploitative agrarian relations between the 'Lord of the manor' and the peasants. Many parts were still left out, and there were the remnants of democracy and collectivism known as Adivasis or indigenous people, with their sustainable lifestyles and production process. At this point, the historical watershed called capitalism emerged from the intersteces of feudalism. This new economy and social relation wanted colonies for raw materials and natives as slaves. This is the ruthless story of global capitalism. Continents were colonized in search of raw materials and markets. This story of primitive accumulation or forced imposition of capitalist relations, violently dispossessing and displacing peasants and Adivasis was repeated in India by British colonialism through the East India Company. India was a multi-ethnic, diverse society. It contained rich natural resources, hundreds of languages, castes, different Adivasi people were sucked into global capitalism by the guns of British Imperial invaders. Adivasis who were 8.08% of Indian population, are classified into 500 scheduled communities. Administrators, law-makers, anthropologists and constitution give various definitions of the Adivasis. The constitution lists these communities to be that:

a) A traditional occupation in a definite geographical area

b) A distinctive culture which includes the whole spectrum of a tribal way of life, that is language, customs, traditions, religious beliefs, arts and crafts, etc.

c) Primitive traits depicted in their occupational pattern, economy, etc

d) Lack of educational and technological development (Rahul Sen, Tribal movements during the colonial period, 1770-1947, pp206)

On the other hand, anthropologists in India are still to come to an agreement on a definition of the term. G.S. Ghurge made a distinction between tribals and non-tribals on the basis of religion, occupation and radical elements (1962). Desai elaborated on this by listing the following general

Characteristics:
a) They live in unapproachable places, away from civilised people.
b) They belong to one of the following groups-Negroito Austriloid or Mongloids.
c) They use a tribal language.
d) They follow a primitive religion, which is based on principles of animism.
e) Their economy is of a primitive nature, such as collection, hunting, etc.
f) They are mostly non-vegetarian.
g) They have nomadic habits and have a special interest in dance and wine.
(Rahul Sen)


According to S.C. Dube, a tribe is:
"an ethnic category defined by real or putative descent, characterized by a corporate self-identity and a wide range of commonly shared traits of culture... they believe they have a common descent, consciously hold a collective self-image, and possess a distinctive cultural ethos, many elements of which are shared by the collectivity"

(See S.C. Dube- Tribal heritage in India vol.1 -Ethnicity, Identity and Interaction. Vikas Publishing House, Delhi 1977).

Majumdar, in his definition of a tribe, incorporated such traits as territorial affiliation, endogamous, ruled by tribal officers, common language or dialect, following tribal traditions, beliefs and customs etc (See D.N. Majumdar and Madan, an introduction to social anthropology, Asia publishing house, Bombay 1956).

The legendary Dutch anthropologist Haimendorf, who sympathetically studied the Adivasis' communities in India, especially in Andhra Pradesh for more than four decades defined Adivasis as: "authochtonous societies which persisted until recently in an archaic and in many respects primitive lifestyle", characterized as hunters and gatherers or rudimentary agriculturalists, using the slash-and burn method of cultivation, and distinguished by their isolation in hills and forests and their separation from the wider civilization of India. (See C Von Furer-Haimendorf- Aboriginal rebellions in the Deccan 'Man in India' (Rebellion number) Vol. 25: 208-18)
That none of these definitions, including the constitutional one, fit all communities identified as tribal is well recognised (Hardiman, 1987:11-14; Beteille, 1896). Both Hardiman and Beteille have emphasized the trait-listing nature of all these definitions as their main shortcoming, and argued for a more historical and ethnic basis for identifying a tribal community. Yet, both have failed to propose a convincing historical definition themselves. (D.Hardiman, coming of Devi: Adivasi assertion in Colonial India, Delhi: Oxford University press. A Betelle- The concept of tribe with special reference to India- European Journal of Sociology Vol. 27:297-318 as quoted by Rahul Sen.)

In view of the multiple definitions, one can safely concur with Rahul Sen that 'tribals' are those communities that historically possessed a communal social and corporate order and lacked any concept of individual and private property ownership. This is coupled with the fact that these communities were the original inhabitants of the land they lived on, which they made habitable, before being disposed by aliens through conquests and assimilation at later times (R.Sen-Structure and History: The Mundwari Synthesis. Unpublished M Phil dissertation submitted to deptt. of Anthropology, Delhi University 1991- as quoted in 'Tribal movements during the colonial period')

The Adivasis were the original inhabitants of the Indian subcontinent, with their sustainable agriculture, fairly gender-just democratic egalitarian social order with equality and collectivism as principles governing social life. They reared animals, had subsistence agriculture and were dependent on the forest for fuel, fodder, medicines and other products known today as 'minor forest produce'. Commodification of the commons, and forests were unknown concepts for the Adivasis, until the advent of class society known as the caste Hindu social structure with graded inequality and vertical power structure as its constitutive principles, which is otherwise known as Indian feudalism.
As the exemplary revolutionary and socialist thinker Rosa Luxembourg had taught us years ago, global capitalism needs a core and a periphery for extraction of raw materials, and colonialism is a natural corollary for capital's greed. (See Rosa Luxembourg- Accumulation of capital, Rosa Luxembourg reader monthly review books, New York)

Colonies like India were the jewel in the crown for the growth of British capitalism, and the ushering in of bourgeois modernity in British politics and social life. Indian agriculture had to be restructured to supply cotton for the cotton mills of Manchester. Forests and tribal habitats (including their commons) were commodified for the insatiable hunger of British industrial capitalism. Large scale commercial fellings of forest were undertaken by the British rulers to build sleepers for the railways, to extract cheap raw materials, minerals and other natural resources -most of which were in the tribal areas. For a permanent reserve, colonial industrial growth, draconian acts like the Indian forest act and the land acquisition act were enacted by the British rulers to grab the forests, mines, commons and other natural resources. Adivasis were further pauperised, criminalized, marginalized and pushed to the fringes by the imperialists. The permanent settlement, Ryotbari and other forms of land tenure created a legal structure for the Britishers to maintain a complex, exploitative order vis-a-vis the Adivasis. Their customary rights were infringed upon. This predatory encroachment on their habitat and livelihood created widespread discontent amongst the Adivasis -there were rebellions all over the country, which are one of the most glorious chapters of the anti-colonial struggles of India and the third world.

The eminent tribal historian and anthropologist K.S. Singh captures the mood of the time in his work on the Santhal rebellion, other tribal uprisings explains that:

"Vested with such revolutionary intent, all these movements, inspite of their diverse context, territory and actions, possessed one unitary objective-the re-establishment of the indigenous order with the concurrent rolling-back of the alien system. The essence of these movements is clearly delineated by Singh in his description of the Birsa Ulgulan as "...agrarian in root... and in its end. Birsa in his speeches, emphasized the agrarian factor and sought a political solution to the problems facing his people i.e. the establishment of a Birsaite Raj..." (see K.S. Singh- The Dust-Storm and the Hanging Mist: A study of Birsa Munda and his movement in Chotanagpur)

According to Rahul Sen, "The indigenous communal social order of the tribes was in conflict with the private proprietary land tenurial system introduced by the colonial administration. This was the root cause of the repeated insurrection by the tribals. Consequently, the political solution invariably arrived at by the insurgents was reversion to the indigenous system, whether through rebellion or revivalism."

(Rahul Sen, Tribal movements during the colonial period: 1770-1947)

There were hundreds of revolts and uprisings against the British all over India-where the tribal concentration was more there were protracted battles. K.S. Singh broadly outlines three regions of India where these struggles went on. They are:

1) Chotanagpur- Santhal Pargana and the adjoining areas of West Bengal and Orissa, peopled by Chotanagpur tribals;

2) Bhil-Koli-Ramoshi belt of South Rajasthan, North Gujurat, West Madhya-Pradesh and North Maharashtra; and

3) South Orissa-Andhra-Bastar region

One of the main historical reasons for the tribal uprising in Chotanagpur was explained by Rahul Sen as follows:

In 1765, the then Mughal Emperor, Shah Alam II, granted the diwani of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa to the East India company. With this, Chotanagpur, a part of the subah of Bihar, passed into the hands of company administration.

Although Chotanagpur came under company administration in 1765 itself, company officers first entered this region in 1770, when a troop of soldiers led by Captain Camac came to Chotanagpur to suppress some local Zamindars who were fighting each other. Captain Camac, thereupon, went on to reduce both Palamau and Chotanagpur Raj to tributaries of the company. As mentioned earlier, the administration of the region during this period was left in the hands of the Raja and his zamindars under under a military collectorate set up in 1771 and later under the supervision of a joint Judge-Magistrate-Collector, with the constitution of the Ramgarh Regulation District in 1780.

The Mundas, Hos, Oraons, Santhals, Mal Pahariyas (Malers) were some of the tribal groups who lived in this region . (Rahul Sen - Tribal movements during the colonial period, 1770-1947)

The other important tribal rebellions of this region were: Maler Revolt, Ho rebellion, the great Kol insurrection, the Santhal Hul, the Kharwar movement, the Sardar larai, the Birsa ulgulan, the Tana Bhagat movement.

The tribal uprisings in the South-west Orissa-Andhra-Bastar region were: the Kandh rebellion of Western Orissa, Gond rebellion of Adilabad, etc.

The tribal movements in Rajasthan- Gujarat- Maharashtra region were: Bhil revolts of Rajasthan, the armed uprisings in Khandesh, Bhil revolts in Western Madhya Pradesh, the struggle of Gond in central Madhya Pradesh and present day Chattisgarh, the Devi movement of Surat, and so on.

These uprisings produced inspiring martyrs like Birsa Munda, Sidhu and Kano, Rani Durgavati, Tantya Bhil, Khajya Nayak, Motia Bhil, Chhitu Kirad and many others.

This fierce resistance of the Adivasis from Rajmahal hills in the east to Khandesh in the west against the predatory encroachment of their habitat and the commons led to various compromises of the British colonial administration. To strike up different compromising arrangements with them including some nascent tribal land protection acts. Various administrative arrangements like 'The light areas act' and agency area administration in Andhra Pradesh were the results of tribal revolt against colonial depradations.

When the power was transferred formally from the British imperialists to the Indian rulers, almost all the colonial laws were kept intact. Draconian acts like the Indian forest act, the Land acquisition act, etc, stayed on in the statute book. The Indian constitution recognized the pretentious autonomy conferred by the British by incorporating them into the fifth and sixth schedule of the constitution, and acts like 'Chotanagpur Santhal Paragana land protection act' and Agency Area acts continued in post-colonial India. This was the contradiction of the new Indian rulers commitment to the marginalized social and ethnic groups.

The biggest betrayal of the 20th century was the shameless burial of the democratic aspirations of national liberation movement by the third world rulers at the behest of world imperialism, led by the Britishers, and now succeeded by the USA, which is the current leader of the imperialist camp. Decolonization was the biggest joke of the 20th century. Under the structural relations of the neocolonial arrangements, presided over by the Brettonwood institutions like the World Bank and the IMF to perpetuate the imperialist order. This was necessary for the continued exploitation of natural resources of the third world by the core capitalist countries.

Export of primary commodities like cheap minerals and agricultural products were the main income of the newly liberated countries in the post-WWII world. This was the material basis for the continuation of the colonial laws like the Indian forest act and the Land Acquisition act in post-colonial India, and this suited the imperialist masters and their agents in the third world. This neo-colonial arrangement was necessary for the continuation of global capitalism. This betrayal led to the renewed struggle of the oppressed masses in the third world, in the much talked-about, post-colonial era.

The Adivasis who faced this new exploitative structure and continued intrusion into their customary social and natural rights continued their struggle against the new Indian ruling classes for political autonomy rights over natural resources, commodification of commons and so on. While the rulers kept on subverting the autonomy provisions of fifth and sixth schedules of the constitution.
As a result of the cold-war polarization, Indian rulers maneuvered their way through the super power rivalry to build what can be called 'India-specific capitalism'. To divert the subalteran masses' discontent against this post-colonial exploitative order, the Indian ruling classes used various populist socialist rhetorics while giving half-hearted concessions to the struggling masses, including the Adivasis.

Jawharlal Nehru formulated the famous Panchsheel policies of non-interference for the tribal masses, which were shamelessly subverted by the post-colonial political class and the beaurocratic apparatus. Schemes like the 'Integrated tribal development programme' and various land protection acts were used to co-opt the political aspirations of the Adivasis. Due to the structural logic and beaurocratic apathy of the Indian state, all these pretentious, ameliorative measures were a total failure.

Reservations in the legislature, academia and the bureaucracy were used cleverly to indoctrinate and co-opt the emerging post-colonial tribal leadership, to get assimilated and support the new colonial order and the semi-feudal social structure. However, this doesn't mean the whole-sale rejection of the idea of reservation. In a semi-feudal society where democratic tasks are incomplete, the progressive and democratic forces should support all the struggles for reservation and positive affirmation. In a brahminical order, where the Adivasis, Dalits and majorities of OBC's are left out, the struggle for reservation has a democratic content and has to be supported while demanding to fill up all the backlog of the SC/ST posts. The reservations and other rights didn't come as a charity from the so-called liberal capitalist order of the West or Third World regimes. They were achieved after what Ralph Milliband had written that these are the products of centuries of unremitting struggles of the underdogs against the ruling classes . (For a detailed theoretical analysis of various peasant and other subaltern revolts in Medieval England and India see 'Customs and common' and 'Whigs and hunters' by E.P. Thompson and 'Elementary aspects of peasant insurgency in colonial India', by Ranajit Guha in Subaltern studies Volume 1- Oxford University press, New Delhi) Construction of this neo-colonial and semi-feudal socio-economic order is one of the main causes of tribal land alienation and commodification of Adivasi culture and ways of life. Most of the Adivasis were pauperised, driven into debt and bondage due to ruthless usury, rackrenting, cheating, were used by money lenders, dishonest merchants and landlords to usurp tribal land with active connivance of the corrupt politician beaurocracy, police and forest officers nexus. All this happened in spite of the land protection laws, constitutional provisions of autonomy, and pro-tribal rhetoric of the post-colonial state and the political class.

The developmental trajectory of the post-colonial state was nothing too different from their colonial masters. Tribal habitats were considered lucrative sites for natural resources, commercial forestry, cheap labour for the new capitalist path of development, masquerading as the development path of a welfare state. This neocolonial order further reinforced the extractive economy, squeezing the tribal areas of their lifeblood.

This path of capitalist development displaced millions of Adivasis by megadams, factories, mines, industrial townships and so on. Millions were displaced by national parks, sanctuaries and reserve forests. A substantial number of displaced tribals are forced to migrate due to the loss of livelihood, and ruthlessly cut off from their cultural moorings and sense of security and become part of the urban underclass squeezed into the slums, swelling the ranks of the urban unemployed and underemployed, totally brutalized and dehumanized existence and treated like shit by the depoliticized right wing metropolitan elite. This process leads to a precarious existence -to be ruthlessly displaced again through the gentrification drive of municipal corporations and the builder mafia. (Sympathetic scholars like Dr Walter Fernandez, Enaksi Ganguli Thukral and others have meticulously documented the displacement and other effects on Adivasis from different mega-projects.) There are more than forty million people, including vast majorities of Adivasis and Dalits displaced by megadams and mines, and other industrial projects (see the report of the World Commission on Dams, and Greater Common Good by Arundhati Roy.)

As a reaction to this usurption of habitat and livelihood, and the shrinkage of their commons, tribal peoples have been offering resistance in the Narmada valley, Koael Karo, Kashipur, Kalinganagar, Hosangabad, Western MP and all over tribal areas in India. The tribal resistance movements of post-colonial India is also phenomenal. In the early decades after independence, tribal mobilisations and uprisings`took off in several parts of India. One of the prominent movements was the struggle of the Adivasis in Dahanu and other areas of Thane district of Maharashtra. Here the Adivasis built up a strong resistance against local money-lenders, merchants and landlords against usury and other forms of bondage. The eminent radical leader of Maharashtra, the late Godavari Parulekar played a prominent part in the tribal movements of Thane.

All these movements were met by heavy police brutalities. This unleashment of state terror lead to the death of thousands of tribal activists by police firing- thousands were put behind bars. The state oppression of tribal movements is a daily experience in post-colonial India. There has been massive and gross human rights violations of Adivasis and other ethnic communities from the North-East, Jammu and Kashmir to other struggling tribal communities. The Indian state has been enacting draconian repressive laws like 'Armed-forces special power act', 'National security act', and a host of other black laws to trample the democratic aspirations of the indigenous people and ethnic minorities all over the country. There have been thousands of fake-encounter deaths, torture, rape and custodial death by the army and the paramilitary forces and the local police. There is a thriving human rights movement in the North-East, resisting state terror and further repeal of black laws like the Armed forces special power act. Sharmila Irom's great hunger strike is a signal event in the human rights struggle of the oppressed ethnic cultural/religious minorities within India. The massacre of adivasis by police firing in Kashipur, Dewas, Kalinganagar, are serious pointers of the state of human rights in tribal areas. We call upon all the progressive and democratic forces to struggle for abolition of all the anti-people black laws. We appeal to all the radical and democratic movements to unanimously demand immediate with drawal of absolutely barbaric mediaval white terror called SALWA JUDUM by the Hindu Fascist Govt of Chhatishgarh. And supported by the Congress.

The rulers did all this under the pretence of upholding liberal discourse of political modernity, while medieval, inhuman exploitation of the tribal areas was intact. (The Indian state is signatory to the UN and international covenants and charters, including the ILO declaration on the rights of indigenous people, and other human rights charters.) In this context we would like to expose the pseudo-liberal rhetoric of the Indian state, ruling-class political parties, and establishment intellectuals.

At the time of writing this note the news of the Gory incidents in Nandigram poured in as one of the bloodiest marker of human right voilation in India in the name of Industrialization and growth. This bloody trail from Kalinganagar to Nandigram explains the elimination war of Indian state and the State Governments against the Adivasis and peasants on behalf of International and Indian big business. We call upon all the progressive and democratic forces to protest against the state sponsored carnage in Nandigram. The cold blooded massacre of farmers in Nandigram by West Bengal Police is a stark indicator of State terror and the State which is the sole repository of violence and has monopolised violence both judicial and extra judicial, it is the ugly symbol of organized violence for ruthless perusal of Capitalist development on behalf of its imperialist masters. We appeal to all the progressive and democratic forces to rise up unitedely against state violence and abolition all the laws which makes the state as the sole repository and of all powers with monopoly inflicting violence and murder.

The betrayal of the Indian rulers of the democratic and political aspiration of Adivasis and other ethnic groups of large tracts of the country led to the movements of separate states and autonomous regions in the tribal dominated area. Some of the important movements are the Jharkhand movement, the Gorkha land movement, struggle for Gondwana state, Karbi Anglog, Bodoland and many others. The Tribals are playing important role in the Struggles led by different organized left parties and movements, without forgetting their heroic role in the Historic Telengana uprising which will inspire generations. We call upon all the progressive and democratic movements to support the Adivasi people's struggle for a separate state, political power and autonomy to decide their own path of development and social structure. There are many autonomous tribal movements like the Kastakari Sanghatana, Adivasi Mukti Sanghatan, Shoshit San Andolan, Kisan Adivasi Sanghatan, the Khedut Mazdoor, Chetna Sangath, the Waynad tribal struggle for land, the Jagrit Dalit Adivasi Sanghatan, Ekta Parishad, Prakrutik Sampada, Parishad Kashipur, Bisthapan Bhirodi Janmanch in Kalinagar, and many others. These struggles are for the rights of the land, forest, natural resources and commons. Against eviction from dams, mines and sanctuaries- now the Special Economic Zones and Special Tourist Zones.

The Indian state conceded some of the demands to legitimize itself to maintain an inclusive democratic facade. It half-heartedly enacted some acts like the PESA act (under the 89th amendment of the constitution) and the recent bill on the tribal forest land rights. All these acts were mostly watered down versions of the various charters of demands presented by the tribal movements. A renewed battle on this front is necessary to make these laws effective. The most horrifying aspect of the Adivasi social life in modern India is the saffronisation of tribals of Gujarat and other places, especially Western M.P. The participation of tribals in the ghastly communal carnage under the direction of the Sangh Parivar in Gujarat in the year 2002 is the most disturbing factor for democratic politics. The fascist Sangh Parivar and the other revivalist organisations through liberal funding for the VHP by equally right-wing communal NRI's from abroad, have worked over time to communalize the Adivasis through various programmes like the Hindu Sangam. These funds for saffronisation of the Adivasis is channeled through equally shady NGO's like Banvasi Kalyan Kendra. (For the retrograde role of state-sponsored apolitical NGO's in indiginous communities, see the chapter "NGO's in service of imperialism" in The globalisation unmasked – Imperialism in 21 st century by James Petras and Henry Veltmeyer madhyam books New Delhi. And the funding of Hindu fascist NGO's in India by IDRF, published by Communalism combat, Bombay.) The Adivasis of all of India are struggling to preserve their way of life, and cultural identity. During the 1991 census a vast majority of Adivasis in the present day Jharkand registered themselves as followers of 'SARNA religion'. This was an important method of struggle against offensive fascist homogenizing designs of the Hindu right. In the age of late Imperial culture, manifested through the 'Disneyfication' and 'McDonaldisation' of thrid world societies, we call upon the progressive and democratic forces to firmly support the struggle for assertion of cultural identities by the Adivasi people, which is an important site of resistance against the culture of globalization and revivalist cultural offensive of the fascist Sangh Parivar.

Under the rubric of globalisation, when neo-liberal offensive is devastating the culture and commons of the indigenous people of India, thousands of acres of the land from Adivasis and farmers are taken away for attracting foreign direct investment and forcibly acquiring cheap lands for the Indian big business. The accelerated phase of neo-liberal economic policies is the present phase of forcible acquisition of land from both farmers and Adivasis for SEZ's. What we are witnessing today in the SEZ's is the ruthless early 21st Century primitive accumulation through violent dispossession and intense commodification of the commons. The sez's and those deemed to be foreign territories where no laws of the land will apply, this shameless surrender of sovereignty is nothing else but recolonisation of Indian territories for super profits making mockery of all the claims of being the largest independent democracy in the world. Sez's are grim reminders of the primitive accumulation process which happened during the consolidation of Industrial capitalism in the colonial era, the creation of sez's are similar to the dispossession of the peasantry, decimation of the indigenous people and grabbing of the resources of the third world, so vividly described by marx in Vol.-1 of capital which in the Marxist discourse is known as primitive accumulation. (See Hobbswam, Maurice Dobb, Robert Brenner, Polyani and Marx Vol.1 Chapter 26 capital now lucidely explained in John Bellany Foster's "Naked imperialism the US pursuit of Global Dominance, Aakar Books New Delhi)

In the proposed sez's in India the various state governments propose to acquire around 1.35 lakh acres of land with a total revenue loss of around 1 lakhs crore in tax concessions as said by the finance minister. All the pro labour laws which were achieved after relentless battles of the working class will no longer apply in sez's. This shrinkage of arable land, apart from seriously jeopardizing the country's food security will severly pollute the environment. This forced depeasantisation will drastically swell the growing number of the unemployed creating a huge reserve army of labour for capital who can be exploited as cheap labour. All these are results of sez's where land is being forcibly acquired through violence and sexual assault on women for the private profit of multinational corporation and Indian big business ostensibly in the name of public interest as mentioned in the land acquisition act. When the Indian state is boasting of transparency through the right to information act, the million dollar question is where is the Public Interest in the sez's. This is absolutely and patently an act of fraudulence by the Indian state. There is a resistance going on by the local Adivasis and farmers against the forcible acquisition of their lands have led to struggles in Bajera Khurd, Singur, Nandigram, Pen Tehsil in Maharashtra. These are the frontier battle lines and important sites of resistance against imperialism and Indian big business. We call upon all the radical democratic forces to rally behind these struggles. The grim episodes of State sponsored massacre and violence at Nandigram mandates for the creation of an all India joint struggle by all the Adivasi, progressive and democratic movements for scrapping the sez Act and halting all the process of land acquisition for sez's all over India.

The recent incidents of violence in Nandigram is the symptom of the sharpening contradiction between in the peasants and world imperialism, where on behalf the salim group of Indonesia the West Bengal Police massacred the resisting peasants, this was a shameless act of violence on toiling peasantry by a state govt. to forcibly acquire land for a foreign multinational corporation by a state govt. led by the left front forces us to sit up and rethink the meaning of the word "left". This sheer capitulation to Imperialist interests shamelessly exposes the contradictions of the discourse of left parties running the West Bengal Govt., who protest against Globalisation and sez at the centre. The violence unleashed by the West Bengal Police on the resisting people of Nandigram is a stark indicator of class violence where the state forces massacre the peasantry on behalf of a foreign multination company, this exposes the class character of the left front govt. of West Bengal which declares it self to be the guardian of workers and peasants. This Govt. Murders and disposses the same rural under class whose interest it is suppose to safeguard. This shows the betrayal of the interests of the bargadars and the peasants by the left front Govt. WE call upon all the progressive and democratic forces to firmly rally behind the struggling peasantry of Nandigram. We should also expose the hypocrisy and class character of the ruling classes parties like the Congress, B.J.P., Trinalmool Congress and Samajvadi Party who are disposseing the peasantry in the Govts led by them in the center and state. The time has come for all of us to seriously formulate strategy for a noninvasive participatory and democratic industralisation process.

Not withstanding the pro-Adivasi rhetoric of the post-colonial Indian state for six decades, the socio-economic indices and the Morbidity pattern of Adivasis is quite depressing. The Adivasis are the most dispossessed, exploited, and marginalized social groups in India. More than 75% of Adivasis are below the official poverty line, with lowest per capita income, which is less than a dollar per day. The infant mortality rate and pre- and post-natal deaths are highest in tribal areas, with lowest life expectancy and literacy rate. Every year thousands die from diseases like gastro-enteritis in the monsoon. The incidence of Tuberculosis, Polio and blindness is quite high. Thousands migrate to the cities due to displacement caused by mega-projects, famines, drought, indebtedness, etc. Official schemes like the ITDP, Antyodaya and public distribution systems are total failures due to lack of political will and beaurocratic apathy. After a long struggle by the Adivasi movements and the left and democratic movements, the government was forced to enact the employment guarantee act which is quite inadequate seeing the high incidence of unemployment and underemployment. The tribal and other democratic movements should continue the struggle for the transparent, sincere implementation and social audit of the present employment guarantee act, the struggle has to go on for the enactment of an employment guarantee act for the whole year- 365 days covering all the districts of India. We should Demand that an expenditure of 20% of the GDP to be spent on the social sectors like socialized medicine & community health care, education, maternal and infant care, Pensions housing and the provision of entertainment infrastructures healthy and clean landscape and other forms of social wage. The struggle for forests and land rights, Usury money landing, slavery bondage and different forms of feudal exploitations, radical land reforms, political autonomy, resistance to Imperialist and Hindu fascist attack on Adivasi cultural identity and way of life, against human right violation, diplacement, and rolling-back of the neoliberal offensive should be strengthened with renewed vigour.

In the post-Iraq world, under the hegemony of the frightening political project of "Pax Americana", in an era where under the neoliberal economic regime the contradictions between the world imperialism led by the USA and the oppressed masses and nations of the third world is sharpening, we appeal to all the Adivasi movements to firmly ally with the struggles of the other oppressed entities and identities like workers, peasants, Dalits, women, unemployed youth, and oppressed ethnic, national, religious and sexual minorities and take concrete steps for the formation of a broadest possible left and democratic united front, to struggle against imperialism, feudalism, and patriarchy. Our ultimate objective should be the creation of a society without the exploitation of man by man, by man of woman, and human beings of nature. We should all strive for a radical democratic social order, where the associated producers decide their own destiny, where the development of each is the condition for the development of all.

Long live the struggle for human emancipation.

RELIANCE MAHA MUMBAI SEZ STUDY

RELIANCE MAHA MUMBAI SEZ STUDY
Period of study: July 15th 2007 – 15th September 2007
Conducted by: Asit

Objectives and Methodology of the Study:
There are numerous peasant resistance movements taking place across India. Several of these movements are anti displacement movements such as in Kakinada, Nandigram, Kalinganagar, POSCO (Jagatsingpur), Dadri, Goa, Mangalore, Snagrur and many others. Keeping in mind these growing pockets of peasants resistance, a study was undertaken in the Raigad district of Maharastra (MMSEZ) where also the peasantry are protesting against the proposed Reliance Industries Maha Mumbai SEZ. The proposed SEZ is spread over three Talukas of Pen, Uran and Panvel.
The main purpose of the study was to find out why the farmers are opposing the Reliance MMSEZ and for this a qualitative method of interviewing different farmers was done. The condensed form of the interviews is given for the sake of brevity and to avoid unnecessary repetitions. Apart from the affected villagers, informal discussions were held with different activists of NAPM, political party workers, NGO’s etc. Four group interviews were also conducted in the villages to get the opinions from people of various age groups and economic classes; the gist of those discussions is given in the text
THE BACKGROUND TO THE ISSUE
What are SEZ’s?
SEZs are free trade zones, having completely different set of administrative and taxation laws outside the purview of customs authorities. In their earlier avatar they were Export Processing Zones (EPZs) and also had similar privileges including a five year tax holiday which is now coming to an end in 2009. On the surface it does appears that the Indian political rulers have chosen to jump into setting up of SEZs, primarily to grab huge tracts of property and also extend the tax holiday for industry through the SEZ Act 2005. It is in this context that we must look finding out the reasons as to why, since the last many years has Raigad become the battleground for an anti- displacement struggle? We can see that for the past one and half year there has been several protests against Maha Mumbai SEZ led by people of Raigad, in the 45 project affected village under the banners of MMSEZ Virodhi Sangarsh Samiti , Jagtikikaran Virodhi Kruti Samit, Peasants and Workers Party, National Alliance for People’s Movement, Left Progressive and Workers Unions, Chaubis Gaon Sez Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti , Lok Sashan Andolan, Panchkosi Khar Bhumi Kheti Bachao Samiti and other concerned individuals from all over Maharashtra and the country.

THE RELIANCE MMSEZ PROJECT:
The project ‘Maha Mumbai Special Economic Zone’ (MMSEZ) is proposed to be setup in Navi Mumbai area, as an international standard business centre. The Reliance Company is to acquire about 10,000 ha of land for the MMSEZ in three phases, over a period of ten years, affecting directly 45 villages (in Uran and Pen Tehsils of Raigad district of Maharashtra), approximately about 15000 households and 1,00,000 persons.

MMSEZ would involve development of various infrastructures ranging from roads, power and water distribution networks, Industrial & commercial parks, social leisure and recreational facilities, etc. Out of the total about 10,000 ha of required lands, the project would need approximately 2126 ha of the land along the Karanja Creek, adjoining Dronagiri Node, in Navi Mumbai. The project is to affect about 45 villages and the number of people likely to be physically displaced from their houses (as their gaothan/settlement sites fall within the proposed project area) is about 1,00,000. The location of MMSEZ is approximately 6 to 8 kms from the Dronagiri Node of Navi Mumbai and about 40 kms from South Mumbai. It falls within Uran and Pen Talukas of Raigad district of Maharashtra.

A majority of the villagers are fully aware about the nature and character of the proposed project and many (including the Panchayat Members) have already written and submitted various memorandums to the government and political leaders opposing the forthcoming project at all. Except 500 acres all Further Acquisition of land has been stalled due to people’s fierce resistance. There are only a handful among the affected people who are willing to negotiate and sell their land.
SOCIO ECONOMIC PROFILE OF THE AREA AND AFFECTED VILLAGES:

These villages are dominated by the Agri Community (classified as the OBCs). However, some of these villages have other castes such as Koproli, Punade, Jui, Sarde, and Sangpalekhar, also have Koli and Katkari tribe population and few Scheduled Castes (SCs) population. There are people in these villages belonging to some indigenous tribal communities like the Katkari and Koli. These communities generally do not own any land. They are dependent for their livelihoods on the Sea or the forest in that area. They catch fish from the sea or collect forest produce like fuel-wood, wildfruits, honey, medicinal plants, etc., and generally exchange/barter with villagers these things for food grains. Upsetting the existing socio-economic milieu in the area/village would also affect these indigenous communities adversely.

Almost all major villages are presently connected with pucca road and telephone facilities, and all the villages have electric supply. Most villages, primary and secondary schools. For higher education villagers are dependent on nearby towns Funde, Uran, Panvel, and Pen. Due to availability of schooling facilities, literacy rate in these villages is higher than the average literacy rate for the state (Maharashtra), and most of the youth are educated upto secondary and higher secondary levels. However, due to lack of technical education facilities, their skill levels are of general nature, which may not be very suitable for jobs in the Project. Most villages have health care sub-centres and almost all the villages have private doctors but they, in general, are quacks with the primary health centre at the Taluka head quarters. Except the villages immediately on the sea shore, all villages are connected with piped water supply. Ponds are generally used for fishing and washing of cloth or for other religious rituals.

As a part of rich community life, almost all the villages have Mahila Mandals, youth clubs, and Natya Mandals. However, scope of activities of Mahila Mandals and youth clubs are limited only to organizing a few religious festivals or games. In a few villages Mahila Mandals own tempo, auto-rickshaw, and utensils which they let out to the villagers for some income.

There are many real-estate touts and agents operating in the area, and most of them are buying land with the hope of selling it back to the Project at higher rates. Other than that, Reliance has been recruiting some people to work as promoters in convincing people to sell their land, it has also been using muscle power and extra constitutional means such as filing of false registry cases to forcibly evict the people from their land holdings. The large number of sharecroppers and landless peasantry, fisherfolk will naturally exclude a large number of the affected people from any form of compensation or traditional rights to their traditional livelihood. Those above 40 years, especially the women, will be most vulnerable due to the loss of their traditional occupation. These are the people who generally carry out traditional occupations and may face problems in learning and adopting new occupations in the changed scenario.

The villages and surrounding townships are reasonably well developed with wide and diversified self-employment opportunities. Many of the self-employed already have easy term credit facilities for poultry farm, dairy development, horticulture, transportation, communication, food and beverages, machine-works and repairs, computer typing, photocopying, etc. There are a large number of families in these villages who are involved in fishing and sand raising from the sea. Despite salinity and lack of development of irrigation, agriculture is an economic and profitable occupation in the area. These villages, supply fish to Mumbai and other nearby towns, other than export of several exotic varieties. The average earning from fishing ranges from Rs.300-400 per person per day. Where fishing in the area is generally done for self consumption, sand raising brings some cash to the families. On an average, the per capita earning from sand raising ranges between Rs.150 to 200 per day. The villagers are, afraid that even if the project comes and development of the area takes place, they may be bypassed of the benefits of the development because of the lack of technical knowledge and the PAPs which the newly emerging economy would need. That is why they refuse the demand for compensation for land and other assets, and are skeptical that any permanent employment will be provided to the PAPs. Therefore, they know that since training for the new kind of jobs has not been started they will be disqualified for the jobs on the basis of lacked skills.

The area already has a high potential for enhancing people’s livelihoods and income, as it is located on the periphery of Navi Mumbai and the JNPT. But despite many industrial and commercial establishments which have come up over the years, no real advantage has percolated to the people in the surrounding vicinity. These areas have the sea, a high density of ponds, good agricultural land and mangrove forests for fuel wood all of which weigh the argument in favour of the general mood of the people to resist their forced

The History of the Resistance

Raigad in Maharashtra is probably one of the few districts in India that is being flooded by companies for setting up of Special Economic Zones (SEZs). In Raigad district itself about eleven SEZ projects have been proposed, spread over almost 50,000 acres of land. This has been without taking into account that most of this land is being used by local communities for farming, salt production, grazing and many other purposes. Villages in the Pen and Uran Taluka have been opposing this project since last year, when the land acquisition notices were served. Reliance Industries Limited (RIL) was proposing to acquire about 14,000 hectares of land for the project. Most of this land is currently under agriculture or other uses by residents, mostly belonging to the Agri and Katkari tribes and Koli community. While the government's estimate of directly affected persons is 50,000 farmers, one can surely estimate that at least more than 4 lakh people will be directly or indirectly affected. We can trace the history of the movement through this summary of events that have taken place since the time the affected villagers came to know about the proposed MMSEZ.
People have organised themselves in the 45 project affected village under various banners such as MMSEZ Virodhi Sangarsh Samiti , Jagtikikaran Virodhi Kruti Samit, Peasants and Workers Party, National Alliance for People’s Movement, Left Progressive and Workers Unions, Chaubis Gaon Sez Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti,, Lok Sashan Andolan, Panchkosi Khar Bhumi Kheti Bachao Samiti with support from other concerned individuals from all over Maharashtra and the country.

According to Vilas Sonewane: After hearing about the propsed MMSEZ the Lok Sashan Andolan with Justice Sawant and various revolutionary left parties activists went and conducted meetings in the entire 45 vilages of Uran, Pen and Panvel Taluka. Seeing the anger and resentment of the people against the proposed MMSEZ these groups decided to organise under the banner of the Maha Mumbai SEZ Virodhi Shetkari Sangharsh Samiti.

Kiran Mhatre (Malegarhvadi) used to run self help groups in 12 villages, when they first heard about the MMSEZ, on Feb 20, 2006 they held a meeting in one of the villages. Three hundred people gathered and formed Panchkosi Khar Bhumi Kheti Bachao Samiti. They had an all party meeting on April 15, 2006 where Mohan Patil of Peasants and Workers Party gave his support to the struggle and they decided to oppose the MMSEZ. A memorandum was prepared and presented to the Collector and Thesildar. The Peasants and Workers Party fought the Zilla Parishad elections in 2006 and won 42 out of the 61 seats, Nilima Patil was elected as the Chairperson of the Zilla Parishad. After elections the ZP passed a resolution totally opposing the MMSEZ. Some NGOs also participated in the struggle against the MMSEZ.

On 23rd March 2006 in a rasta roko at Raigad the leader of the Peasants Workers' Party and Jagtikikaran Virodhi Kruti Samiti was promised that the matter would be discussed at the Cabinet Meeting.

On 9th June 2006 the Maharastra government issued section 4 (1) land acquisition notices to farmers of 45 villages of Pen, Uran and Penvel taluks of Raigad district government was supposed to issue the next notice within a year otherwise notice period will lapse, but government could not issue notices within that time. This year government issued notification on 19th, i.e., offer the period of one year was over it seems that 'government is playing a game against the farmers,' the farmers said.

The Maha Mumbai SEZ Virodhi Shetkari Sangharsh Samiti burnt the land acquisition notification on 21st June 2007, in front of the Special Land Acquisition Office at Pen in Raigad district. Approximately one thousand farmers participated in the agitation. The protest programme was supported by Peasants and Workers Party, Anti Special Economic Zone Committee of 24 Villages, Anti- Globalisation Forum, Maharashtra and other people's organisations. They expressed their strong opposition and feelings during this agitation. Aim of this agitation was to reject and express disapproval of government resolution, to make an appeal to the state government for stopping land acquisition process at the earliest. it also appealed farmers to strengthen local struggle non-violently. The protesters submitted their demands to government officer during the programme.

On July 21st 2006 PKBKBS held a rally in front of the Pen Thesil and submitted a memorandum to the Thesildar, meanwhile objections were collected under Sec 4 of the Land Acquisition Act from each household and given to the Tehsildar, Pen. From August 10 to 15 2006 Sarvahara Jan Andolan held street plays in the Panchkosi and Pen areas creating awareness about the MMSEZ.

On September 21, 2006, Sitaram Yechury, CPI(M) went for a rally in Belapur (Navi Mumbai) where around 50,000 people gathered. Yechury gave an assurance that they would oppose the MMSEZ tooth and nail and if necessary also withdraw support from the UPA government. Jayant Patil and Vivek Patil also spoke at the rally.

On October 6, 2006, activists from the Peasants and Workers Party spoke in the rally against the MMSEZ.

Later in October, 2006 NAPM activists and Medha Patkar also toured the area and held a rally in front of the Pune Collector’s office. Leaders from Peasants and Workers Party, CPI(M) also spoke at the rally.

On November 22nd 2006 a day long dharna was held at Jantar Mantar by the All India Kisan Sabha on the Raigarh issue. They went in delegations to meet Somnath Chatterjee and Sitaram Yechury to discuss the MMSEZ issue.

On December 2006 two thousand people came to Delhi and had a dharna at Jantar Mantar and also met the left party leaders.
On 12th, December in Nagpur a people's delegation representing the Jagtikarn Virodhi Kruti Samiti met to Mr.Vilasrao Deshmukh-Chief Minister and Mr. Patangrao Kadam- Rehabilitatin Minister during the Winter Session of the Assembly and they had promised that irrigated and agricultural lands will not be acquired for the SEZ projects, government will not acquire lands for the companies and will stop the land acquisition process immediately. Despite that announcement no actions were taken to withdraw the project or acquisition notices. Subsequently the 24 Village SEZ Virodhi Sangarsh Samiti organised a relay hunger strike from February 14, to March 5th 2007 at the Pen tahsil headquarters.

On Jan 3, 2007, under the leadership of Prof. N.D.Patil (Gen Secy. of the Peasants and Workers Party) a jail bharo andolan was launched at Pen and around 2000 people courted arrest.

From February 5 to March 2007 there was a relay hunger strike in front of the Thesil office at Pen. During the hunger strike the local Cong (I) MLA celebrated the birthday of A.R.Antulay, (Ex CM of Maharashtra) with crores of rupees. Antulay flew in from Delhi only to celebrate his birthday and this really angered the people on March 22nd night huge posters of Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Stalin were put up by the Maha Mumbai Sez Virodhi Sangram Samiti all over the Pen Thesil challenging the government and Reliance. The police tore down most of the posters. On March 23rd 2007, the day of Bhagat Singh’s martyrdom a massive road block was organised at Valkhal on the NH 17 (Mumbai – Goa) around 10,000 people were present. During this road blockade the budget session of the assembly was on and Jayant Patil (MLA P& WP) raised the issue about the MMSEZ. The CM assured the assembly that the land will not be forcibly acquired from the farmers. This boosted the morale of the movement and on March 30th a massive gherao of the Distt Collectorate took place at Alibagh.


On April 5th 2007 at the call of Anti Globalisation Front a massive rally was organised in Azad Maidan, Mumbai. About 50,000 people came for the rally.

During this period the Select Committee of the Parliament on SEZs, Chairman Kashi Ram Rana came to visit Raigarh SEZ area. But instead of meeting the affected people, at the MIDC office he met the Reliance officials and the Maharashtra bureaucracy. Outside the MIDC office more than 1000 farmers were waiting to meet him but he refused. This angered the people and they forced their way inside. In the tussle the police framed criminal charges and arrested 5 people. When Kashi Ram Rana insisted on visiting the SEZ area, the government instead of taking him to the SEZ area, took him to a non SEZ village, Khalapur in Raigarh. This really angered the people and they gheraoed the panchayat samiti office where he was having the meeting and so he was forced to meet Porf. N.D.Patil and other activists. They submitted their written objections to the MMSEZ to Kashi Ram Rana and in their memorandum they wrote that they want the entire project to be completely scrapped.

On May 3rd 2007 the CM had given a written appointment to Prof. N.D.Patil and other activists, but when they went to the secretariat he refused to meet them. Then the government issued the Sec 6 of The Land Acquisition Act, despite earlier assurances that no land will be forcibly acquired. This created large scale resentment in the affected villages.
On Jun 15th 2007 Chaubis Gaon Sez Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti took a decision to create a mass awareness on this issue. On June 20th more than 3000 people sat in silent protest in front of the Land Acquisition Office. Since the admionstration did not respond to this dharna, in the evening the activists met again and decided to have a rally the next day itself. On 21st June more than 10,000 people gathered in front of Pen Anti-land acquisition office and the Anti-SEZ committee burnt the land acquisition notification. The protest was organized under the leadership of Mr. N.D Patil, Mr. Mohan Patil, Mr. Manav Kamble, Ms. Ulka Mahajan, Ms. Vaishali Patil, Ms. Surekha Dalvi, Mr. Ganesh Thakur, Mr. Dhariyasheel Patil and local anti land acquisition committee members.

On July 2nd 2007 the Chaubis Gaon Sez Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti activists met and decided to have a fast unto death for withdrawal of the Sec 6 notice. They conducted meetings in the villages for names of people who would sit on the fast. 17 people sat on the hunger strike from July 17 to 24th, 2007 in front of the Thesil office at Pen. Their demands were that the land acquisition notices served in the case of the Maha Mumbai case be immediately withdrawn and 22 villages of the Pen region falling in the Hetavne Kal Prakalp Pariyojana be given irrigation schemes from the Hetavne dam as promised to them to improve the agriculture economy. The SEZ Act 2005 has to be scrapped to protect the interests of farmers and poor people losing their resources at the hands of the elites. Up to the five days government had not paid attention towards the people then collector of Raigad visited to the people and asked to stop the strike. During her visit she promised that their demands will be conveyed to the government. On 23rd July More than four thousand people and their organizations did a huge protest at Aazad Maidan in Mumbai. They pressurized and negotiated with government on the issues of withdrawal of 22 villages from Maha Mumbai SEZ. Eventually on 24th July Mr. R.R. Patil and Mr. Patangrao Kadam gave promises to exclude these villages, then protesters stopped indefinite hunger strike on 24th evening.

Meanwhile on July 27th 2007 at the call of Maha Mumbai SEZ Virodhi Shetkari Sangharsh Samiti organised a massive rally at Konkan Bhawan, Navi Mumbai. Around 40,000 angry farmers participated despite heavy rains.


Voices of the People and their Perspective:
Interviews in Pen Taluka
Narwelbedi vill (pop 3000)
Ravinder Tukaram Patil an agricultural labourer, does not believe in the government promises for rehabilitation, he makes enough from his land and fishing and he is contented with what he has.
Benavili vill (pop 800)
Dr. Ashirwad Mukul, he is a practicing doctor in the village and he makes roughly Rs.2000 per day, the SEZ will completely distort the local culture and no one will get employment because the people are not trained enough to get jobs in high tech industry – whereas the village is fairly self sufficient.
Group meeting on Aug 7, 2006 of almost 65 persons; the basic points discussed were that they felt none of them had any stake in the SEZ since none of them have any technical qualification to do any permanent job, most of us are sharecroppers, artisans and fisherfolk, so they are also outside the scope for any compensation. This is a big insecurity for them and neither has Ambani nor the government given any assurance on this matter. They are also worried about the fact that if they are forcibly evicted where will go, and how they will be resettled. They have seen what happened to those from the neighbouring 95 villages for creation of Navi Mumbai; people could not handle the compensation money and more than 95% of these farmers are homeless and stay in slums, while all the flats and apartments are owned by others. There is also no regular employment. Most of the evictees are street vendors.
According to the group they are almost self sufficient because of the fishing and rice cultivation and mangrove forests, they do not want to undergo the same travails as those from Navi Mumbai.
Kalsre vill (pop 2000)
Suryakant is a farmer and he owns one and a half acre of land. He says that the Reliance company trapped him and took about ¾ acre of land while paying him only three lakhs. Much later he learnt that that after that particular land which he sold is developed, it will sell for even up to Rs. 4 crore per acre.
Desh Mhatre owns six acres of land and he is not willing to give up the land or take cash compensation. He is willing to resist to the end. He mentioned that till August, 2007 about 38 agitation programmers have been done against the SEZ.
Vashi vill (pop 5000)
Almost 92% are farmers. Agri (OBC) 90% and Kohli (10%) it has two rice mills which employ about 400 regular workers and about 500 bullock carts who take the rice to the mill every. Most of the rice is grown locally. It has a goldsmith, barbers, blacksmith, 12 tailor shops, 20 shops, 8 family of butchers, 167 fishing ponds of which 16 are large ponds. Local transport: there are 7 six seater tempos. Around 40 people work in the salt pan.
Prakash Mhatre is a farmer; according to him, the government did not inform or consult with the Gram Panchayat before signing the MOU for the MMSEZ. When the villagers got to know about the MOU they went to the gram sabha and convened a corum of the villagers and the Gram Sabha even passed a formal resolution rejecting the SEZ. When this resolution was taken to the Collector, he/she refused to acknowledge the resolution. Till date no formal notice as per the Land Acquisition Act has been served before that Gram Panchayat.
Ashok Viraj Madhukar: We are totally self sufficient and this project is anti national which will drive them into destitution and unemployment. The government has not given them any concrete rehabilitation plans.
Burze (pop 2000)
100% are land owners and 90% literate people involved in fishing 25% earning about Rs. 300 per day and 10% in salt pan Industry earning a minimum of Rs.125 per day, there are about 100 government servants of which 50 are teachers and 35 are in the police.
Gyandev Mhatre is a teacher and his claim is that since SEZ’s are high tech industries there will be no employment for the villagers, ironically there is also a dam coming up called Hetwane which will irrigate 24 villages which are going in to the MMSEZ. He opposes cash compensation because it will have a very bad impact on the youth since he has seen the adverse effects where young people have wasted all their compensation money on dance bars etc. According to him only the Mumbai elites and the politicians will benefit from this SEZ. His village produces vegetables, milk, poultry and the Jawaharlal Nehru Port Trust and the Nippon Steel Co. is within 10 km. Both these provide a good market for the village produce whereas neither have been important sources of employment for the villagers.
The Nippon Steel Factory has 2000 regular workers but not even 10% are local people. The Johnson Tiles factory has 500 workers but less than 10% from the local area. The remaining people employed are causal unskilled labor. The Rashtriya Chemical Fertilizers factory at Alibaugh has 7000 employees but virtually no employment for the local people.
Vadav vill (pop 1200)
It has 20 grocery shops, one restaurant, one medical shop and around 60 six seater tempos. Balaji Hiravan Mhatre goes for fishing, he owns one small boat and goes fishing earning Rs 500 per day. Prawns fetch international prices Rs 200 to 300 while the local price is Rs 150, he is afraid that if the SEZ comes up they will lose their livelihood. In the same village Jayant Mhatre owns 3 boats employs 4 people while each takes a share of Rs 400 per day. Malegarhwadi is a hamlet and Bharat Mhatre is a tailor and he opposes the SEZ. Parvin Mhatre owns a six seater tempo and supports 8 people in the family, earning about Rs. 250 per day. He also opposes the SEZ.
Rajan Jhemse is one of the main activists in the village and he filed a RTI and managed to get the information that this area has been shown as non-irrigated area while in actual fact the entire 24 villages of Pen Taluka comes under the Hetwane command area. But the Block Agriculture Officer and the Patwari have filed false reports with the government stating that the land is infertile and non irrigated. In fact the Hetwane dam Authorities had objected to the District Collector that this area comes under the command area of the dam and should not be acquired for industrial or commercial purposes. Also this area has been declared as a “Green Area” of the Western Ghats, by the Maharastra government and therefore should be excluded from industrial development. Most of the affected villages in Uran and Pen Taluka are near the sea shore and also come under the Costal Regulatory Zone.
He also opposes the SEZ and feels that if the villages are uprooted they will loose his livelihood and social network. He is also very angry with the SEZ project and he insists that guns cannot stop the agitation and he is willing to give up his life for this cause. He has been to jail and has also protested in Delhi, he has met Somnath Chatterjee, Sitaram Yechury and twice he has met Vilas Rao Deshmukh. However, according to him all these leaders do a lot of double talk causing him to loose faith in the established political parties and in turn rest his trust only on people’s resistance which can be the sole means of stopping the SEZ.
Kasu Tai she has gone to all the anti SEZ rallies and has also been arrested in September 2006. She knows that it is the women and children who face the harsh brunt of forced displacement. She feels that land provides a livelihood for generations while cash is easily frittered away in a short period. She is also determined to fight against the SEZ to the bitter end.
Vasant Thakur owns 50 acres and most of his land has been given to sharecroppers, which is also the case with most landowners. Almost all Sharecroppers are semi literate- their only livelihood is through sharecropping and once the SEZ comes there is no possibility of getting any employment and since they are not landowners they will also not get any compensation- loosing both ways.
Lakole village (pop 1000)
Around 400 house holds own agriculture land around within 150 hectares of total land.
Tura Mhatre owns 2 acres but supports 11 members of his family from this land and additional income comes from fishing which also provides fish for his home and surplus for cash. He opposes this SEZ because he knows that there is no alternative which can provide him such a secure means of livelihood such as land and fishing.
Bhal village (pop 1600)
Almost everyone in the village is a farmer with fishing as a secondary occupation. The village has 10 shops.
Arun Mhatre he has one acre of land and also does fishing. He maintains a 6 member family and does not want to give up his land, neither does he want to be employed in the SEZ. He is an active member in the movement and has also been jailed several times in the movement.
Bitthalvadi, is a hamlet of Bhal. Prabhakar Mhatre owns only half acre of land but goes for fishing and earns up to Rs.500 per day and he says he is very comfortable with that. The amount of rice he gets from his half acre land, sees him through 8 months. There is also a lot of mangrove forest which also provides them fuel wood, so his need to buy things from the market are very limited. Once he is uprooted he will be completely dependent on the market, but with no secure means of livelihood.
Kanoba village (pop 700)
Tulsidas Mhatre he owns only half acre land but that gives him 10 qt of rice and he is also a share cropper just as half the other villagers. He earns extra cash from fishing and he has courted arrest several times and is an active member in the anti SEZ movement.
Vadav Village (pop 5000)
Savitri Mhatre works as a farm labourer and share cropper. Even though she is landless, but as a share cropper she has a high stake in the village community. She also does occasional fishing (fifty percent of the villagers are involved in fishing) and she has attended all the protest programmers and is willing to give a tough fight even willing to die. She went for the gherao of the tehsildar at Pen on 21st where around 6000 thousand people were there they were arrested and sent to jail for ten days a year ago police was sent to every village to terrorize but they weren’t cowed down
Chandrahas Mhatre owns half an acre of land six members in family with one brother working as a government servant. His mother goes for fishing and he came to know about the SEZ when Justice Sawant and Vilas Sonwane came to the village and held a meeting explaining the proposed SEZ.

A group meeting of about fifteen men and women discussed various issues such as the experiences of those who were compensated for the CIDCO acquisition and how all their money was wasted in useless expenditure. They also talked about the agents employed by Reliance to buy land at 10% commission. Not one among them believes that there will be any manufacturing in these SEZs but only real estate development for the Mumbai elite and NRIs. They see no future in the SEZ. They also discussed the situation in Vidharba where there is so much land and yet farmers are committing suicide while the government does nothing for the affected people. Conversely the same government while making all the right noises about Vidharbha and protecting the rights and livelihoods of the farmers there is forcing an SEZ on this extremely fertile area of Konkan. They mentioned that this regions has never never experienced even a drought in living memory.
Deev (pop 2000)
Anant Gaikwad is a barber in the village, according to him the SEZ will create a hell and make them loose their livelihood, the community will get dispersed causing insecurity and loss of cultural moorings
Ramkrisna Mhatre a farmer, owns two and half acres of land which supports a family of ten. He totally opposes cash compensation and knows that money will not last long while the land will feed generations. Taking from the past experiences of industrialization in that area, he knows how compensation money was largely spent in the dance bars
Deev also has two large gram panchayat fishing ponds each of which are auctioned for around one lakh rupees and they also know that the person who takes in the auction makes three times the amount.
Avinash Mhatre, the Panchayat has made a resolution opposing the SEZ and they have written to the Tehsildar about this. But the Tehsildar has made a false report that this entire region is barren and not a blade of grass grows there, whereas the village is rich with rice fields, salt pans and aqua culture.
Kusum Bai Thakur retired teacher village Deev owns 4 acres of land which supports ten members. In her family three of his sons are employed while two are government servants. One son is in HPCL even though her sons are employed, yet she opposes the SEZ, saying that the experience of the nearby Nippon steel factory where no local youth is employed, whereas local people are only hired as contract laborers who get about fifty rupees as wages. She is also totally opposed to cash compensation and says how people had earlier spent money on dance bars
She is convinced that Reliance is not going to build any industries, this entire SEZ is a big land scam where luxury villas and related infrastructure will be built for Bombay elites and the NRIs she feels this is a sell out the foreign MNCs who will take over the country and the sovereignty of the country will be lost she calls it re-colonization. For her the land gives permanent employment and safe guards the country’s food security and sovereignty. The land of their village is very fertile and gives 20 quintals of rice per acre, once the farmers are ousted they cannot compete in the modern industrial sector for employment. Even earlier the RCF near Alibag and Nippon steel in Vadkhal (Pen Taluka) show that people don’t get employment and blow up the compensation money. She said women feel the pain of displacement and that is why the participation of women in these movements is high. She has been to all the rallies and feels woman are militant and will give a stiff resistance. She also talked about how Reliance has agents in every village who are pressuring the youth in villages to give up their land. The local MLA Ramdas Patil (Cong I) is completely corrupt and he supports the SEZ and has been threatening them to give up the land. Whenever there is a peaceful agitation by the villagers the Reliance agents throw stones at the police to incite and provoke the police to use repressive measures. But she says that the villagers are ready for any kind of repression. From Feb 5 to March 5th when a hunger strike was going on in that area A.R. Antulay (Ex CM and current MP) his birthday was celebrated by the local MLA Ramdas Patil, Antulay went from Delhi to Pen but did not meet the hunger strikers.

Group meeting of Six women of different caste and age groups. All of them were strongly opposed to cash compensation because they have seen how men have wasted their compensation money from Nippon Steel etc. They have also seen the conditions of the oustees from the Koyna Dam. They don’t believe the CM or Mukesh Ambani’s promise for rehabilitation, the nearby Nippon Steel has not given employment to local people, especially the women; they are only given contract labor for unskilled work. In the nearby Panvel and Uran Taluka CIDCO had acquired land in the 1970s and 1980s and the men had wasted all their compensation money in liquor.

Malegarhvadi
Dhanajay Mhatre is a retired teacher and his son Anant Mhatre is one of activists. They have 2 acres of land and get 40 qt of rice and gets Rs.5500 as pension. According to him he has seen the industrialization of that area such as the JNPT, RCF, Nippon Steel; they came people spent all their compensation money in the dance bars, it has corrupted the youth and they are no more willing to do any physical labor, they have fine houses but the Reliance SEZ will destroy the landscape and culture. This SEZ is not for any manufacturing industry but is actually a real estate scam. Luxury villas will be built for the Mumbai elite (since it is only 20 km by sea and 35 km by road) and for NRI’s, whereas the local people will become just wage slaves and domestic workers. Right now the village people have a lot of independence and self reliance which will be destroyed. This is a very prosperous area with lots of fish farms and aqua culture with exotic varieties such as Jitadas (Tiger Prawns), Pomfret, Chivana, Bangra, Mrugal, all of which fetch a rate of about Rs. 200 to 300 per kg.
Ghora Bandar
One of the most famous fishing villages of Maharastra and they earn millions of rupees. 90% of the people are engaged in fishing. Ghoda Bandar has a 70 houses
Narain Patil, Sambhaji Patil, Ramesh Mhatre, Ganesh Mahtre all of them have motorized fishing boats each of which employ 7-8 people. They go out to around 40 km in the sea for seven to eight days and their weekend earnings can be up to one lakh. They catch Tiger Lobsters (up to Rs.600 per kg) , Shevri, Singhada and Simboda. The entire village is completely opposed to the SEZ since they will never get such a comfortable livelihood elsewhere. They are confident that they will win the struggle and they have no faith in mainstream political parties. The villagers have made groups so that at one time only half the villagers will go out to sea for fishing while the other half will stay back to continue the agitation.
Bairamkotak (pop 1000)
The whole village goes for fishing and they all own land.
N.G. Patil owns about 6 acres of land lives with a joint family of 24 members. They do rice cultivation and fishing but are comfortable with what they earn. Even if he is given 60 lakh per acre he is not going to give up the land. He has seen the cash compensation given by Nippon Steel and IPCL how this money was wasted. He is not afraid of the government and its means of oppression.
Ravindra Patil owns 4.75 acres of land his elder brother goes for fishing and earns around 400 rupees per day, that is why he is unwilling to give up his land and says that he doesn’t mind spending his time in jail but will put up a fight to finish, he will not give his land for any price.
Damaji Gopal Mhatre is landless and with three other members of the family works as an agricultural labourer. The rest of the time he works as mason and also does some fishing. He opposes the SEZ and willing to put up a stiff resistance

Mantrivadi hamlet (pop around 25 house holds)

Ramdas Patil
Owns 2.25 aces of land does fishing earning around 300 to 400 rupees per day. Doesn’t want to give up his land wants to fight
Shankar Vittal Mhatre is a farmer, he owns two acres and makes around Rs. 300 to 400 rupees per day from fishing has a comfortable living doesn’t want to give up his land and he opposes the SEZ, since he knows that land will feed generations.
Amar Chand Mhatre is part of seven family member household and he owns two and a half acres of fish pond, he hires 13 acres of ponds earns more than seven lakh rupees per year from fish farming and he does not want the SEZ.
Kane Village
Kane has 17 boats and 4 tractors for sand mining. More then 100 families are dependant on sand mining and there are two boats for ferry service supporting two families. There are around 50 masons earning about Rs. 200 rupees per day.
Dilip Bandakar owns three acres of land, he has studied up to 8th class. He supplies sand from the Bhogawati river has taken a tractor on loan ten years ago for supplying sand. He has repaid the loan and earns around Rs 300 at the least and up to Rs. 1500 depending on the season. He buys sand for Rs. 1200 per tractor trolley and sells for Rs. 1600 per trolley inside the village and Rs. 2000 outside the village depending on the distance. He opposes the SEZ.
Prabhakar Bhoir also works as a labourer collecting sand from the Bhogawati river. he
earns Rs 70 in filling one tractor trolley. He fills around five to six trolleys per day. He talked about the people in boats who dig the sand from the riverbed; the boat owner gets Rs 1200 per day the labourers digging sand make Rs 150 to 200 per day. He also opposes the SEZ
Raghunath Mhatre own one acre of land and it gives him rice for eight months then he works as a mason and earns around 80 rupees per day. He has 8 family members and gets around 15 days of work in month as mason, the other days he goes for fishing.
Narain Bhoir four family members collects rice from the village and supplies to the rice mills there are five people more in the village who do the same work they make a comfortable living don’t want to be displaced and the SEZ will force them out from their livelihood willing to fight until last.

Rave Village (pop 1200)
Around 80% who work as labourers, sharecroppers and fisherfolk. The fishermen make around Rs.250 per day. 100% literate village with many engineers and doctors, but no one wants the SEZ.
Pramod Patil According to him the biggest problem will be that their culture will be destroyed and the community will get dispersed. Despite being well educated the youth do not want the SEZ. There is no public interest in this project only luxury villas, five star hotels and golf courses will be built. There is no chance of local people benefiting, even for the women, at the most they will turn into domestic help for these villas. He thinks the government is insisting on this MMSEZ because it has been bought over by Reliance money- a lot of money has changed hands and greased the palms of all political parties.

Vashi Village (1000 house holds)
70% landed and 30% landless, some are government teachers, many are salt pan workers, 7 shops in the village, 10% are Kolis who make around Rs.250-400 per day since the fishing bay is nearby which is rich in fish resources. Many have shops in Pen or are doing business running small scale industries.
Janardhan Mukund Mhatre According to him the basic problem lies in the opening up of the Indian economy where the central and state government, irrespective of the political parties are working as agents of MNCs and Indian monopoly houses. There is no real development in this process of economic growth, this entire MMSEZ is a real estate scam where the government will acquire land from farmers at a very cheap price and then offer it to developers at a much higher rate. i.e The government is offering @ Rs. 10 lakh per acre, but once developed this land will be sold at Rs.35-40 crore per acre. He said that villagers read in the newspapers about the land market in Mumbai, barely 30 km away, where the mill lands are auctions at more than Rs.100 crore per acre. This Reliance MMSEZ is one of the biggest land scams in Asia.
Panvel Taluka Interviews
Kelwane Village (pop 1100 households)
Is a fishing village and the main castes are Koli and Agri, around 30% are landless and around 70% do fishing. On an average each member makes at least Rs.300-400 per day from fishing. From the sand mining, around Rs.200-300 per day as wages.
In 1984 CIDCO had tried to acquire land in their village and in the adjoining Uran Taluka where the police had opened fire on the protestors, killing nine. Since then the mood of the people had been strongly against land acquisition.
Vishwanath Mhatre (Local NCP leader) Though the NCP is a partner in the state government he opposed the MMSEZ because it is grossly anti-people and the fact that the government has sold out to Reliance, because of this he has taken an anti party stand. According to him the argument that the SEZ will generate industry and employment is rubbish since this area is already heavily industrialized and there has been very little employment generated. When land was taken for CIDCO, no one was employed from his village. This MMSEZ will be a luxury housing colony for the super rich of Mumbai, with golf courses, airports etc, while destroying the already largely self sufficient village economy. He owns only 2 acres of land, but through farming and fishing he owns two trawlers, which generates enough livelihood for several people.
The local panchayat rejected the offer of the SEZ through a resolution passed in the gram sabha, so the company started tempting the villagers. Reliance themselves offered him Rs.10 lakh per acre for his land. His two daughters who are graduates, was offered a job of Rs. 5000 per month to motivate people to give up their land, which she refused to do.

Pandive Village (pop 12000)
All of the villagers own only small bits of land since their land was acquired by the Jawaharlal Nehru Port Trust and CIDCO. From this village almost 25% are government servants and some are employed in and around factories.
Dilip Patil owns only half acre of land. Given the experience of JNPT and CIDCO no one will be given employment in the MMSEZ. The compensation from JNPT and CIDCO was wasted on dance bars and other such things. Now even if they get cash from Reliance, it would be of not much use since there is not much scope for developing a business or any such enterprise in this area Since 20% are landless they will excluded form this compensation in anyway.

Jui Village (pop 1500)
Mostly Agri,Karadi and Koli castes.
Around 150 people work in salt pans, 200 are fisherfolk and 20% are landless.
Dr. Subash Geerat (Monthly income about Rs.20,000) . The villagers grow chillies and other vegetables in the nearby hills and they earn a good income from this sale. He opposes the MMSEZ.













CONCLUSION:
Why are SEZ’s being implemented despite People’s Resistance?

While there have been several arguments being given for the creation of SEZs, ranging from the pressing needs of the developed nations for cheaper labour and resources to the need to increase employment, increase the GDP etc, what is often missed out is the fact that none of this can happen unless there is a political willingness to execute these SEZs. This is not to say that MNCs, the implementation of the New Economic Policies, the opening up of India to the free flow of foreign capital, and the so called regime of “liberalisation” are not the contributory factors to this ever increasing number of SEZs mushrooming all over India. There is an ever increasing crisis in the developed nations, faced with depleting natural resources, high costs of labour, increased spending on state welfare, over production and various other reasons are compelling these nations to seek captive markets and captive cheap resources in the developing nations such as India. Our political leaders have traditionally been more aligned to serving the interests of the powerful ever since the British colonial period and this is yet another extension of foreign rule done through the Indian parliament to benefit the developed nations and save their countries from the vagaries of wrong economic policies.

However, the critical point of the “willingness” to develop SEZs can be found in a large section of the large Indian landowners who have a vested interest in setting up of these SEZ’s. The fact that the bulk of India’s MPs and MLAs belong to the landed gentry and it is this section in whose hands rests the controls over the reigns of political power in India With the huge tax and duty sops, effectively subsidies, being provided to industry under the SEZ rules, the scramble for setting up SEZs is bound to increase. This mad scramble, has lead to a spiralling increase in the premium over those lands earmarked for SEZ projects. The very fact that in the future, industry will not have to pay any taxes or custom duties means that it is willing to invest in a one time higher cost in acquiring land, keeping in mind that in the long run this cost will be more than offset by the subsidies it will gain through no taxes and no custom duties. It is exactly this section of the Indian ruling elite which is greedily eying a huge windfall in marked up costs and premiums over land sale and are desperate to set up SEZs and also sell their land. It is this landed ruling elite which is using the armed might of the Indian state to force the other unwilling and not so greedy members of the peasantry to forcibly part with their land for up coming SEZ projects.

On the other side, the larger majority of the middle and marginal peasantry see this one time payment as a threat to their single, most secure form of livelihood, which is farming. Neither are they enamoured by the cash compensation being offered. These farmers know that their skills are in farming and fishing - not in managing loose cash. Numerous interviews by the affected people in Raigarh have clearly put this point across that they have seen the disastrous consequences within those families who have wasted their entire compensation money in conspicuous consumption. For the landless and the sharecroppers the issue becomes even more threatening since they will be completely excluded from the process of both compensation and also employment, while loosing their sole means of livelihood. It is the open fact of the reality of their lives which has compelled these peasants to take up resistance against these SEZ projects. It is also their determination which is forcing party workers of the ruling political parties to take a stand which is often antagonistic to the over all policies of the party itself.

With 140,000 hectares of mostly agricultural land forcibly acquired to set up only 50 of the 300 approved SEZs and with the average Indian land holding of about 1 hectare, a minimum displacement of 140,000 families –with lakhs of other agriculture dependent labourers and artisans loosing their livelihoods is imminent. To boot, the landless will get no compensation. This forced mass displacement will collapse Indian agriculture already under attack by the developed nations through GM seeds and rising input costs, forcing India to become dependent for food imports from the US and Australia and Europe.

It is also ironical that industry as advocates of “liberalisation and free market economy” does not want to acquire land for its SEZs directly through the “open market”, but instead forces the to state to use antiquated colonial laws such as the Land Acquisition Act coupled with brute force to compel farmers to part from their highly productive land; all in the name of "public purpose". This has turned the Indian ruling elite into mere middle men/ brokers/ property dealers.

If we record the violence and oppression that has gone into land acquisition for industry, we can clearly see that this is just the beginning. There have been brutal state excesses while attempting to forcibly acquire land at Nandigram, POSCO (Jagatsingpur) Dadri, Raigarh. In Raigad, Maharastra, police firing was supplemented by violent and intimidating activities by local criminals appointed by Reliance to do so. Reliance, which has official control of 60,000 out of the 1,40,000 acres of land sanctioned till date in the name of SEZs, is going to emerge as the largest landlord in the country, and leaves the implications open for consideration.

Of the minimum 1000 hectare land required for developing an SEZ, only a small part will be used for “core activities” whereas the bulk is being acquired for “non productive purposes” reserved for services and residential complexes etc. to solely benefit the construction and builder lobby. It is hardly surprising that the biggest builders in the country are queuing up before the government with SEZ proposals.

Considering the mammoth sops that industry will be getting in terms of 100 per cent Foreign Direct Investment, 100 percent exemption from stamp duty and registration charges, customs, service tax, income tax for five years, substantial subsidies on electricity and water, it is obvious that SEZ are a little more than another tax-dodge. Sundry tax exemptions already cost us Rs.1,58,000 crores. If the primary attraction of an SEZ are tax benefits, the investments there are definitely going to be a diversion from the domestic tariff areas. The Fiscal loss will be of about Rs.115,00 crores, without taking into account the tax loss from the profits of the developers of SEZs. Recently Posco steel plant in Orissa has been given the approval to classify itself as an SEZ despite the promoters only wanting land to set up their plant and a captive iron ore mine. When the SEZ scheme got unfurled, Posco decided there was no harm if it also got some additional tax benefits, and so applied for a SEZ, which will provide it an effective subsidy of more than 98,000 crores in the nect 15 years!!

These kinds of “development goals” will render lakhs of farmers landless, destroying the livelihoods of many lakhs more; will allow the free and open exploitation of labour and cause huge chunks of resources, private and otherwise, to pass on into private hands? The continuation of this trajectory of development has already compelled people to rename SEZs to “Special Exploitation Zones”.